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S. G. & E. L. ELBERT 




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The Black Belt 

The Ex-Slave as Master 

The Ex-Slave as he is . . 

The Position of the Southern White 

Some Suggested Solutions 

The Ideal Solution 

Appendix : — 

A. The Population of the South 

B. Colour Cvste 

C. Slavery in the North 

D. The Growth of the Coloured Race 










In the autumn of 1890 I was commissioned 
by The Times to go to the southern part of the 
United States in order to study upon the spot 
the conditions of the very extraordinary social 
problem which has gradually arisen there during 
the past two hundred years, and which has 
assumed new and peculiar importance since the 
manumission of the negroes and a coloured ' 
people, and the nominal extension to them of all 
the privileges of American citizenship. For this 
study I was in some degree prepared, not only 
by a long-indulged fondness for the subject, but 
also by a previous residence in the United States. 
The result of my inquiries took the form of a series 
of ten letters, which appeared in The Times in 
November and December, 1890, and in January 


of the present year. These letters, with consider- 
able additions, and with such corrections as fuller 
knowledge and the kind assistance of numerous 
correspondents have suggested, are now reprinted. 
They embrace, I think, a fair and comprehensive 
view of the problem in all its most significant 
aspects. I have conversed, without prejudice, 
with whites and with blacks, with Republicans and 
with Democrats, with men who are in office, and 
with men who are anxious to find themselves 
there ; and I have not consciously closed my 
ears to any argument from any quarter. This 
volume, therefore, may, I trust, be accepted as 
containing a true account of a state of affairs 
which is without parallel in the history of modern 
civilisation, and which is, no doubt, destined to 
exercise a momentous, and possibly a terrible, 
influence upon the future of America. 

Briefly summarised, the situation in the South 
is as follows. The inhabitants, black and white, 
have all been given equal rights by the amended 
Constitution of the Union. Each man of full age 
is as much a citizen as his fellow. That is the 


view of the law, from Maine to California. But 
in the South there are several millions of people 
whose veins contain more or less negro blood. 
A generation ago these people, or their parents, 
were, almost without exception, slaves in the 
hands of the Southern whites. A great revolu- 
tion was effected. The black suddenly ceased to 
be a slave ; and, within a few years, he was pre- 
sented not only with his freedom, but also, in 
theory at least, with all the privileges that were 
previously the sole possession of the white. This 
raising of the black from the depths of slavery to 
the heights of citizenship was the work of outside 
forces. It was not done by the Southern white, 
nor, save as regards mere manumission, was it 
done with his approval or consent. He was not 
in a position to resist the will of the victorious 
North. Indeed, the North imperiously forced its 
will upon him, and even used as its agents the 
very blacks who had but just been liberated from 
bondage. This policy created bad blood between 
whites and blacks. From the moment of its full 
enforcement harmonious working between blacks 


and whites in the field of politics, and in most 
other spheres, became impossible. The Southern 
white assumed a sullenly rebellious attitude. He 
determined that he would render a dead letter 
the grant of citizenship to the black ; and to a 
very large extent he has done so. But, in the 
meantime, the black, in certain districts, has 
been increasing more rapidly than the white ; 
and to-day, in some of those districts, he actually 
outnumbers him, while in others he equals him, 
and will outnumber him in the early future. 
Still, nevertheless — even where he is in a con- 
clusive minority — the Southern white persists in 
his dogged resolution not to allow the black to 
meddle with the machinery of government, not to 
permit him for an instant to wear the full robe of 
citizenship that has been presented to him by the 
North. This is the bare kernel of the situation. 
Hitherto the black has, upon the whole, meekly 
submitted to this illegal deprivation of his rights. 
Can he be expected to submit for ever ? Or will 
he some day attempt by force to seize that to 
which he is by law entitled ? Should he ever do 


this, either alone or backed by all the resources of 
the North, there will be a scene of horror such 
as the South never witnessed in the darkest 
days of the Civil War. So much is absolutely 

What follows aspires to be an impartial review 
not only of the present aspects but also of the 
past history of the complex problem which has 
thus been created. It includes, also, a humble 
suggestion for the permanent solution of that 
problem, j I have attempted to show, firstly, 
where the problem exists in its most pressing and 
dangerous form ; secondly, the reasons which 
impel the South to refuse to constitutionally solve 
the problem by allowing the majority to rule ; 
thirdly, the intolerable position of the Southern 
black ; and, fourthly, the intolerable position of 
the Southern white. The position of all parties 
concerned naturally demands that some way out 
of the difficulty should be invented. I have, 
therefore, gone on to show, fifthly, what solutions 
have been advocated, and why they must all be 
ineffective ; and, sixthly, what appears to me to 


be the best, the most just, and the only radical 

This solution is one which, I admit, I almost 
despair of seeing carried out. The peaceable 
removal of the negroes from the United States, 
and their establishment across the ocean in a 
country and in circumstances that would be 
propitious not only to their own development 
but also to the development of their barbarous 
kindred, are measures which would involve very 
great expense. But it is not, I believe, on the 
score of expense that the average American is 
likely to reject the scheme. His great inherit- 
ance provides him with wealth more than suffi- 
cient to enable him to pay all his debts, including 
those huge ones which he owes to the black. 
He is much more likely to adopt a characteristic 
attitude such as he has adopted in the past 
towards many other threatening questions. One 
of the most distinguished of living American 
statesmen said to me in November last: "If my 
country should ever come to frightful disaster, 
it will be, I am convinced, because it is the 


incurable habit of my countrymen to cherish 
the belief that they are so much the special 
care of Providence that it would be superfluous, 
on their part, to take even simple and ordinary 
precautions for their own protection." 

Black Ameeica 



The total population of the United States, ex- 
clusive of Alaska and of the Indian Territory, 
was, according to the official returns of the Tenth 
Census, 50,155,783. This Census was taken as 
long ago as 1880 ; but it is, and will for some 
time continue to be, the latest enumeration con- 
cerning which full statistical details are in posses- 
sion of the world. An Eleventh Census was 
taken in June, 1890. This, so far as has as yet 
been ascertained, fixes the population of the great 
Republic at 62,622,250.* The details of it are, 
however, still unknown. We are altogether in 
the dark as to how many of the people are males 
and how many females, how many white and how 
many coloured ; and months, if not years, may be 
expected to elapse before the hard-working Census 
Bureau at Washington shall find itself in a posi- 
tion to enlighten us upon these and other par- 
ticular points of interest. But there is no reason 

* Note. — See Appendix. 


to suppose that the full details of the Eleventh 
Census will, when they are published, greatly 
surprise the statistical experts who have made a 
special study of the increase of American popu- 
lation in the past and of its probable increase in 
the future ; nor are there any signs that the re- 
sults of the Eleventh Census will, upon one point of 
special significance, be much more reassuring than 
were those of the Tenth. That point of special 
significance is the rate of increase of the coloured 
people in certain extensive sections of the old 
slave-holding States of the South. This rate of 
increase has hitherto been vastly superior to that 
of the white people in the same districts, and is 
a thing of no new growth. The four States, 
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
Georgia, were numbered for the first time in 
1790. Their white and coloured populations in 
that year and in the year 1880, and the rates of 
increase per cent, during the ninety intermediate 
years, are shown in the following tables : — 


North Carolina 
South. Carolina 
Georgia . . 



per Cent. 









per Cent. 

North Carolina 
South Carolina 








While, therefore, in the ninety years the white 
population of the four States has grown from 
923,385 to only 2,956,111, the coloured population 
has grown from 549,597 to 2,492,358. In other 
words, while the whites have increased only 
220*1 per cent., the blacks have increased 353*4 
per cent., and the latter have been continuing to 
increase with superior speed in face of the facts 
that now for more than a generation black im- 
migration has practically ceased, and that the 
black race is considerably shorter-lived than the 
white. It is remarkable, too, that in each of the 
four States the rate of increase has been greater 
among the blacks than among the whites. 

In only the above-mentioned four of the eight 
old Slave States of the South was there a Census 
in 1790. The first census of Mississippi was 
taken in 1800, of Louisiana in 1810, of Alabama 
in 1820, and of Florida in 1830. The first 
enumerations of the eight States showed a total 
white population of 1,060,711 ; the Census of 


1880 showed the white population to be 4,695,253, 
an increase of 340*2 per cent. On the other 
hand, the first enumerations of the eight States 
showed a coloured population of but 654,308, 
while the Census of 1880 showed a coloured 
population of no less than 4,353,097, or an 
increase of 563*7 per cent. Whereas, therefore, at 
the earliest enumerations the blacks formed only 
about 38 per cent, of the population, they formed 
in 1880 about 48 per cent. In short, in these 
States, and in the period under review, the blacks 
steadily drew ever nearer and nearer to the attain- 
ment of a numerical majority. In 1860 they 
were still nearly half a million behind the whites. 
To-day, in the eight old Slave States of the South 
the whites and the blacks are practically equal 
in numbers, and in several individual States the 
blacks have a formidable and growing majority. 

It is in these last States most particularly 
that what is known as the Negro Problem con- 
stitutes the most serious and complex social 
question of the hour. For most of the other 
States of the Union the problem possesses as yet 
only a secondary interest. The total number of 
negroes and coloured people in the whole of the 
United States in 1880 was 6,580,793. Of these, 
4,353,097 lived, as has been seen, in the eight 
old Slave States of the South, and there formed 


practically one-half of the population; 1,660,674 
lived in the seven border States, Delaware, Mary- 
land, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and 
Tennessee, with 7,132,457 white fellow-citizens 
around them ; and the remaining 567,022 were 
all but lost among the 31,575,260 whites — not to 
mention the Chinese and Indians — in the rest of 
the Union. So sparse, indeed, is the negro 
population, save in the fifteen States that have 
been named, that it need not be considered as a 
factor of any weight whatever ; but in those 
fifteen States it is an ever-present force that 
demands recognition by all political parties. The 
fifteen States may be thus grouped : — 

Population, 1880. 




of Coloured. 



























v Arkansas 




rNorth Carolina 






. . 




B <l Georgia 








1 Alabama 









C j Mississippi 





I South Carolina . . 

.J 391,105 




In the States grouped under A, or, at least, 
in portions of them, the negro question occasion- 
ally assumes importance, though it is normally 
dormant. That it is not more often to the fore 
appears to result mainly from the political apathy 
or stupidity of the coloured population, which is 
frequently in a position, acting with organisa- 
tion and method, to affect the balance of parties. 
In the States grouped under B the power of the 
negro is, theoretically, considerably greater. He 
has a vote in North Carolina if he be an actual 
citizen and not a convict ; in Virginia if he be 
an actual citizen and not a lunatic, idiot, con- 
vict, duellist, or soldier ; in Georgia if he be an 
actual taxpaying citizen and not a lunatic, idiot, 
or criminal ; in Florida if he be a United States 
citizen, or have declared an intention of be- 
coming one, and if he be not a lunatic, idiot, 
criminal, duellist, or bettor on elections ; and in 
Alabama if he be a citizen, or have declared an 
intention of becoming one, and if he be not an 
idiot, an Indian, or a person convicted of crime. 
In none of these States is it definitely required 
that the negro voter shall be able to read or 
write; in only one is it required that he shall 
be even a taxpayer. The general requisites are 
merely manhood, a certain length of residence, 
and registration. Finally, in the States grouped 


under C, the negro is, if only he cared, and 
were permitted, to exercise his franchise, all- 
powerful. In Lousiana the qualification for the 
suffrage at present excludes no male citizen who, 
being of age, is not an idiot, lunatic, or criminal. 
In Mississippi the law is equally generous. In 
South Carolina the male citizen who is of age 
may vote unless he be a lunatic, an inmate of an 
asylum, almshouse, or prison, a duellist, or a 
soldier. There is no property or taxpaying quali- 
fication. The fifteenth amendment to the Con- 
stitution of the United States declares that "the 
right of the citizens of the United States to vote 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States or any State on account of race, colour, or 
previous condition of servitude ; " and the spirit of 
that amendment is, in theory, most fully honoured 
by all the Commonwealths. So completely is this 
the case that in 1880 the voting pojoulations of 
the three States (C) were officially returned as : — 




South Carolina 86,900 118,889 

The slight coloured voting inferiority in 
Louisiana in 1880 is attributable to the high rate 


of infant and child mortality among the negroes 
as compared with the whites. It probably exists 
no longer. There is now, almost beyond question, 
a very considerable coloured voting majority in all 
these States, and probably a slight one in Alabama 
as well. The American Constitution recognises 
the right of the majority to rule. The impartial 
observer, therefore, might expect to find the govern- 
ment of Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Caro- 
lina, and possibly also of Alabama, almost, if not 
entirely, in the hands of the negro and coloured 
majority ; but upon his arrival in the South he 
finds no trace of anything of the kind. He finds, 
on the contrary, that the white man rules as 
supremely as he did in the days of slavery. The 
black man is permitted to have little or nothing 
to say upon the point ; he is simply thrust on 
one side. At every political crisis the cry of the 
minority is, u This is a white man's question," 
and the cry is generally uttered in such a tone 
as to effectually warn off the black man from 
meddling with the matter. 

I purpose later to show by what methods the 
white man attains his object when the usual cry 
fails to produce the whole of the expected result. 
I purpose also to show some of the reasons that 
are advanced by the Southern white man for his 
consistent refusal to countenance any negro 


interference in the affairs of State. For the 
present I confine myself to indicating the situa- 
tion as it is and as it will be, and to suggesting 
that the existing white supremacy, whether it be 
for good or for evil, cannot continue indefinitely, 
and must eventually give place, either by free 
concession or as a tribute to brute force, to a new 
order of things. 

Not only in Louisiana, Mississippi, and South 
Carolina, as wholes, is there a negro majority 
among the population, a similar majority exists 
in nearly all the low-lying portions of the Southern 
States, from the Chesapeake to Florida and from 
Florida to the borders of Mexico, and especially 
in those low-lying districts that are removed 
from the great towns.* The face of the country 
consists, speaking broadly, of hill-tracts, and of 
cities, where the whites are in a majority, and of 
lowlands, where the blacks are numerically 
supreme ; and there are obvious natural reasons 
at the bottom of this division of the races. Heat 
is irksome to the Anglo-Saxon and correspond- 
ingly grateful to the negro. Trade, mining, and 
manufactures attract the white man ; agriculture 
and tillage are preferred by the black. In the 
undrained lowlands the negro constitution defies 
fevers and other ills that often weaken if they 

* Note,— See Map. 


do not actually prove fatal to the white man's 
health. And so, apart from questions of births 
and deaths, some parts of the Southern States 
tend to every year become blacker, while others 
as steadily become whiter. 

And the process which is initiated by geo- 
graphical and climatic considerations is regularly 
aided by economical ones. The white man 
cannot compete as a labourer, or even as an 
artisan, upon equal terms with the black. He 
needs higher pay and better food. In black 
centres, therefore, the poor white man finds 
himself daily becoming more and more out of his 
element. Ordinary petty village trades, such as 
cobbling, tailoring, smithery, and carpentry, are 
thus, throughout the South, falling very much 
into the hands of the negroes ; while the poor 
white men, who once had a monopoly of such 
humble pursuits, are going elsewhere in search 
of employment. They go, not to the uplands 
and cities of the South, but to the North, and, 
above all, to the new West, where every working 
man with strong arms, a good head, and an 
honest heart, has to-day the most brilliant of 

The blacks, on the other hand, move about 
very little. They appreciate such little comforts 
as they have been able to gather around them 


since their manumission, and neither the cold 
North nor the half-settled West has any charms 
for them. They have at present no strong 
ambitions and very few wants. In the estima- 
tion of ninety-nine out of a hundred of them 
a cabin in sunny South Carolina is a much more 
desirable thing than a five-storeyed house in New 
York or Chicago, and immeasurably preferable 
to a store in Nebraska or a hut in Wyoming. 
Moreover, the black likes to be among his black 
kinsmen. A white man may occasionally persuade 
himself to regard a negro as his brother, in 
theory at least. The black man cares little for 
theory, and bluntly recognises the white man as 
a person of alien and, upon the whole, objection- 
able character from surface to core. And even 
the most sympathetic white man prefers, in 
practice, to be surrounded by a white majority 
rather than by a black, especially when he is at 
home in the bosom of his family. 

These considerations, almost as much as the 
superior fecundity and fewer wants of the negro, 
are leading the Black Belt of the South to become 
blacker than ever. White immigration has almost 
ceased; white emigration is growing. In 1880, 
as has been shown, there were 391,105 whites and 
604,332 blacks in South Carolina. Of these only 
7,686, or # 7 per cent., were of foreign birth. 


Twenty years before, the number of foreign-born 
people in the State had been 9,986, and in 1870 
it had been 8,074. In the eight old Slave States 
of the South (B and C) there were, in 1860, 
148,662 foreign-born residents, in 1870 but 
123,931, and in 1880 only 119,686; while of 
persons born out of the States, but within the 
United States, there were 1,813 less in 1880 than in 
1870. These are facts which, even if taken alone, 
are of deep significance. Still more striking, how- 
ever, are some estimates which have been drawn 
up for me by a distinguished statistical expert at 
Washington, and which show the probable numer- 
ical aspect of the race question in the eight old 
Slave States in the near future. Several years 
ago Professor E. W. Gilliam published a forecast 
of the developments of the present situation. His 
estimate of the rate of increase of the Southern 
whites and negroes was somewhat more alarmist 
than that which I am now able to give. The 
new estimate is based upon the general, though 
not upon the detailed, results of the Census of 
1890 ; and as it also makes allowance for the often 
alleged imperfections of the Census of 1870, I 
think that it may be accepted as, upon the whole, 
a better one than that of Mr. Gilliam, or, indeed, 
than any that has yet been attempted. I feel 
bound to mention Mr. Gilliam's name in connec- 



tion with this matter, for his tables have been very 
widely quoted, and have been made the founda- 
tion of much discussion and speculation. I only 
reject them because I have others which are the 
results of fuller and later knowledge. Mr. Gilliam's 
views on some unfortunately less changeable as- 
pects of the race question remain to-day as true 
and as valuable as when they were committed to 
paper seven years ago, and I hope to quote them 
when, after having completed the dry statistical 
survey of the whole subject, I proceed to deal 
with the difficulties and dangers of the Southern 
problem. Here, in the meantime, is my inform- 
ant's estimate of the white and coloured popula- 
tions of the Black Belt States in the years 1900 
and 1910 respectively: — 







North. Carolina 



































South. Carolina 














As illustrating the moderation of this estimate, it 
is worth while adding that Professor Gilliam, 
writing in 1883, was of opinion that, from 1880 
onwards, the whites in the South might be ex- 
pected to increase at the rate of 2 per cent, per 
annum, and to double their numbers in thirty-five 
years, and that the blacks in the South might be 
expected to increase at the rate of 3~ per cent, 
per annum and to double their numbers in twenty 
years. These formulae would give to the eight 
old Slave States about 9,390,000 whites in 1915, 
and about 17,400,000 blacks in 1920. The actual 
rate of increase is, however, a comparatively un- 
important matter. The significant fact of the 
situation is that in three or four of the eight 
States the coloured population already outnumbers 
the white, and that in every one of the remaining 
four or five States the existing white majority has 
been for years growing smaller and smaller, and 
bids fair within a very short period to disappear 
entirely, and to make place for an overwhelming 
and ever-growing black majority. 

At present, even in South Carolina, which is 
the "blackest" State in the Union, the white, and 
the white alone, rules. He seized power, in self- 
defence it is true, by fraud and violence, and he 
retains it by deception and intimidation; yet, 
strange to say, even the most respected and (in 


ordinary dealings) upright white people of the 
South excuse and defend this course of procedure; 
and, stranger still, very many honourable citizens 
of the North, Republicans as well as Democrats, 
do not hesitate to declare, u If I were a Southern 
white man I should act as the Southern white men 
do." The cardinal principle of the political creed 
of 99 per cent, of the Southern whites is that the 
white man must rule at all costs and at all hazards. 
In comparison with this principle every other 
article of political faith dwindles into ridiculous 
insignificance. White domination is a living ques- 
tion that dwarfs tariff reform, protection, free 
trade, and the very pales of party. The white 
who does not believe in it above all else is re- 
garded as a traitor and an outcast. The race 
question is, in the South, the sole question of 
burning interest. If you be sound on that ques- 
tion you are one of the elect ; if you be unsound, 
you take rank as a pariah or as a lunatic. 

After the War of Secession the North com- 
placently folded its hands and announced that the 
race problem had been for ever disposed of. It 
soon learned that such had not been precisely 
the case. Then, after making an ill-advised and 
spasmodic effort at settlement, it declared that 
the race problem was no longer its affair, and 
that it might be left to solve itself. But since 


then years have elapsed, and the question still 
remains unsettled, paralysing the South, menacing 
the whole Union, and liable at any moment to 
involve hundreds of thousands of miles of territory 
and millions of human lives in a catastrophe 
scarcely inferior to that of the great Civil War. 
Is it not time, then, for something to be done 
towards freeing the South from the incubus of 
the situation, and the North from the danger that 
lurks still along the line which, less than a genera- 
tion ago, saw Federal and Confederate striving in 
vain to settle this very question ? 

It may be asked : Why cannot the South sub- 
mit itself to the operation of those principles by 
which the North is governed ? Why not allow the 
majority — no matter what may be its hue — to 
rule ? 

The answer is that the experiment has been 
to some extent tried, and has utterly failed. The 
history of the attempt and of the failure is given 
in the following chapter. The outlines of that 
history must be studied by every one who aspires 
to understand the nature and difficulties of the 
Southern problem as it exists to-day. I do not, 
therefore, apologise for setting forth at some 
length the gloomy narrative of one of the most 
extraordinary episodes in the modern history of 
any civilised country. If I needed further excuse, 


I might find it in the fact that my story, though 
it deals with events of comparatively recent occur- 
rence and of a very terrible character, is unknown 
to the majority of Englishmen. Even in the 
North it is now well-nigh forgotten ; and only in 
the long-suffering South are the hideous lessons of 
it still fully remembered. 




The Civil War ended in 1865, and the Con- 
federacy lay crushed and dead. With it died 
slavery in the United States. The Slavery Ques- 
tion was, of course, the fons et origo of the war, 
but it was by no means the sole, or even the osten- 
sible, point at issue between North and South. 
Nor was anything beyond the mere manumission 
of the slave ever involved in the slavery question. 
The North did not fight that the manumitted slave 
might be placed on terms of perfect equality with 
the white man, or even that he might obtain the 
franchise. It fought, so far as slavery was con- 
cerned, for manumission, and for nothing else; 
and it gained its point. The point is expressed in 
the Amendment XIII. to the Constitution, which 
declares that " neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude, except as a punishment for crime, 
whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall exist within the United States or any 
place subject to their jurisdiction," 


And it may be said at once that there is now 
nowhere in the United States any party which 
regrets that slavery has been abolished, or which 
would restore it to-morrow, even if it were able 
to do so by a stroke of the pen. Yet there is, 
and always has been, not merely in the South, but 
also in the North and West, a very powerful 
party which is of opinion that the manumitted 
slave and the uneducated negro and coloured man 
ought not to be placed on terms of perfect equality 
with the white man, and ought not to be per- 
mitted to exercise the franchise. Indeed, the 
slave's emancipation, as well as his citizenship, 
was effected as a tribute to military and political, 
rather than to moral, exigencies. Writing to 
W. S. Speer, on October 23rd, 1860, Mr. Lincoln 
said : — 

" I appreciate your motive when you suggest the propriety 
of my writing for the public something disclaiming all inten- 
tion to interfere with slaves or slavery in the States ; but in 
my judgment it would do no good. I have already done this 
many, many times, and it is in print and open to all who 
will read." 

And, writing to Mr. Lincoln on December 26th 
following, Mr. Seward said: — 

"I met on Monday my Republican associates on the 
Committee of Thirteen, and afterwards the whole Committee. 
With the unanimous consent of our section, I offered three 


propositions which seemed to me to cover the ground of the 
suggestion made by you through Mr. Weed, as I understood it. 
First, that the Constitution should never be altered so as to 
authorise Congress to abolish or interfere with slavery in the 
States. This was accepted." 

This attitude of the Republican leaders changed 
as the war went on ; but even then the giving 
to the negro of full political rights and perfect 
equality was not contemplated. Amendment 
XIII. says nothing on that head, and Mr. 
Lincoln, in his last days, expressed himself as 
opposed to such a wholesale measure. But, the 
South haying been conquered, means had to be 
devised for keeping it for a time under political 
subjection, and no means were more obvious or 
ready to hand than, firstly, a military occupation, 
with all that such occupation entails ; and, 
secondly, the extension of the suffrage and of the 
full rights of citizenship to the people who, up to 
the time of the war, had been slaves. These 
people, not two or three per cent, of whom 
possessed the simplest rudiments of education, 
naturally looked upon the North as a Heaven- 
sent deliverer, and were in consequence anxious, 
when they obtained the suffrage, to support 
their Northern friends. Thus they were Repub- 
licans almost to a man. The Southern whites 
were, and still are, with nearly equal unanimity, 


Democrats. In the North, so far as my observa- 
tion enables me to judge, the Republican party 
enfolds the majority of the brains and ability of 
the population. In the South, beyond all doubt, 
the Democratic party is the party of knowledge 
and mental power. And in the South, moreover, 
so far as educated white men are concerned, it is 
practically the only party. There are Southern 
Republicans ; but they are, almost without excep- 
tion, negroes, coloured people, or the lowest and 
most ignorant class of whites. 

At first, the process of " reconstructing " the 
ex-Confederate States was not made to involve the 
employment of the liberated slave as an agent for 
the subjection of his former master; but as time 
went on the black man's obvious utility was per- 
ceived. The following sketch will show how the 
eight old Slave States in which there was, and 
still is, the largest negro and coloured element, 
passed from the condition in which they found 
themselves at the end of the war to the condition 
in which they are at the present moment. The 
particulars concerning Alabama are mainly sum- 
marised from a paper by Mr. Hilary A. Herbert, 
member of Congress for that State; those con- 
cerning North Carolina from a paper by Mr. 
Zebulon B. Vance, United States Senator for that 
State ; those concerning South Carolina from a 


paper by Mr. John J. Hemphill, member of 
Congress for that State; those concerning Georgia 
from a paper by Mr. Henry Gr. Turner, member 
of Congress for that State ; those concerning 
Florida from a paper by Mr. Samuel Pasco, 
United States Senator for that State ; those con- 
cerning Virginia from a paper by Mr. Robert 
Stiles, a distinguished Virginian ; those concern- 
ing Mississippi from a paper by Mr. Ethelbert 
Barksdale, ex-member of Congress for that State ; 
and those concerning Louisiana from a paper by 
Mr. B. J. Sage. These papers, with others, were 
collected and published during the past year by 
Mr. Hilary A. Herbert at Baltimore, under the 
general title of "Why the Solid South?"* and 
they form, I think, the most instructive key that 
has yet been fitted to the great question, " Why 
are the United States practically two nations ? " 
I have had the honour of meeting several of the 
writers, and I believe them to be all men of 
uprightness and fairness. I have added numerous 
illustrative details which have been supplied to 
me from other trustworthy sources, which, how- 
ever, I need not here catalogue. 

After the close of the war, each of the van- 
quished States received from the President a 

* "Why the Solid South? or, Reconstruction and its Results." 
Baltimore : R. H. Woodward and Co. 1890. 


provisional governor, who had authority to call 
a convention to frame a constitution of govern- 
ment. The States soon recognised the new 
situation. Under the new order of things the 
suffrage was still confined to white men, and 
senators and representatives were duly elected, 
and awaited permission to act. They were 
almost all Democrats. This fact had its effect 
upon the Republicans, and when the Thirty-ninth 
Congress opened in December, 1865, Mr. Thad. 
Stevens, who thenceforth took the lead in the 
matter, said: — " According to my judgment, 
they' 5 (the insurrectionary States) " ought never 
to be recognised as capable of acting in the 
Union, or of being counted as valid States, until 
the Constitution shall have been so amended as 
to make it what its makers intended, and so as to 
secure perpetual ascendency to the party of the 

Mr. Stevens' plans were two — to reduce the re- 
presentation to which the late slave-holding States 
were entitled under the Constitution, and to en- 
franchise blacks and disenfranchise whites. But 
even so late as 1865-6 the North was not prepared 
to grant negro suffrage. Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
Connecticut, and other States, would have none 
of it. It was agreed, however, in February, 
1866, that neither House should admit any mem- 


ber from the late Insurrectionary States until the 
report of a joint committee which had been 
appointed to consider the question of reconstruc- 
tion should be received. 

This was a declaration of war upon President 
Johnson's plan of pacification, but President 
Johnson did not give way. He vetoed a Bill to 
confer many rights — not including suffrage — 
upon the freedmen, because, in his opinion, it 
was unconstitutional. Then followed the struggle 
over the proposed Amendment XIV. to the Con- 
stitution, an amendment which apportioned re- 
presentatives in Congress upon the basis of the 
voting population, and which provided that no 
person should hold office under the United States 
who, having taken an oath as a Federal or State 
officer to support the Constitution, had subse- 
quently engaged in war against the Union. 
This struggle led to much bad blood, in spite of 
the fact that the amendment in its original form 
did not pass. 

Still worse feeling was stirred up by the 
action of the Freedmen' s Bureau agents in the 
South. The Freedmen' s Bureau had been estab- 
lished in 1865 to act as the guardian of freedmen, 
with power to make their contracts, settle their 
disputes with employers, and care for them 
generally. Many of the agents of this Bureau 


traded upon their position, and, with a view to 
furthering their own political aspirations, deliber- 
ately fomented race hatreds. They widely 
disseminated among' the freedmen a belief that 
the lands of their former owners were, at least to 
some extent, to be divided among the ex-slaves ; 
and, said General Grant, " the effect of the belief 
in the division of lands is idleness and accumu- 
lation in camps, towns, and cities." A more 
salutary lesson would have been that in the sweat 
of his face must a man earn his bread ; but this 
the agents, as a mass, did not teach. On the 
contrary, they demoralised the labour situation 
in the South, and, later, nearly all of them took 
advantage of, and reaped profit from, the demoral- 
isation which they had created. Their ranks 
supplied an enormous number of candidates for 

In the meanwhile the joint committee on re- 
construction was at work. It consisted of twelve 
Republicans and only three Democrats; and on the 
sub-committee, which collected evidence respect- 
ing the condition of Virginia, North Carolina } 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
and Arkansas, there was no Democrat at all. 

The situation in those and the other Southern 
States was confessedly not good. The ex-Con- 
federate soldiers had returned home demoralised 


by defeat, and found four millions of slaves 
demoralised by sudden manumission and by the 
action of the Freedmen's Bureau agents ; and, 
naturally, there was much friction between the 
races. But the committee's report of the nature 
and amount of that friction was greatly exag- 
gerated. As to the State of Alabama, only five 
witnesses were examined, all of them being 
Republican politicians of notoriously partisan 
character. These witnesses had everything to 
gain and nothing to lose by u reconstruction" ; 
and, as a matter of fact, when " reconstruction ' : 
followed, one of them became Governor of his 
State, a second a Senator in Congress, a third a 
permanent official at Washington, a fourth a 
Circuit Judge in Alabama, and the fifth a Judge 
of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia. 
It may not have been propter hoc, but it was 
certainly post hoc, and the coincidence is suspi- 

Upon the strength of the report the ex- Con- 
federate States were held to be out of the Union. 
Their exact status remained to be determined by 
the voice of the North, as expressed at the polls. 
The elections were held in due course; and on 
the first Monday in December, 1866, the Repub- 
licans came back to the last session of the Thirty- 
ninth Congress flushed with victory. They had 


a majority of thirty-one in the Senate and of 
ninety-four in the House. 

But President Johnson, with his vetoes, still 
stood firm ; and "for the purpose of securing the 
fruits of the victories gained" the impeachment 
of the President was determined upon. I need 
not go into the circumstances of that impeach- 
ment, the ultimate excuse for which was the 
dismissal of Mr. Stanton from the Secretaryship 
of War. Suffice it to say that Congress took 
steps for " the extension of the suffrage to the 
coloured race in the district of Columbia, both as 
a right and as an example." 

Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, discussing the 
Bill, said, fairly enough, "Our ancestors placed 
suffrage on the broad common-sense principle 
that it should be lodged in, and exercised by, 
those who could use it most wisely, and most 
safely, and most efficiently to serve the ends for 
which Government was instituted," and u not 
upon any abstract or transcendental notion of 
human rights which ignored the existing facts of 
social life. I shall not vote to degrade suffrage. 
I shall not vote to pollute and corrupt the founda- 
tions of political power, either in my own State 
or in any other." On the other hand, Senator 
Sumner declared, u Now, to my mind, nothing is 
clearer than the absolute necessity of suffrage for 


all coloured persons in the disorganised States." 
(This was in reference to an informal understand- 
ing that the late Confederate States were to share 
the fate of the district of Columbia.) " It will 
not," he continued, "be enough if you give it to 
those who read and write. You will not in this 
way acquire the voting force which you need 
there for the protection of Unionists, whether 
white or black. You will not secure the new 
allies who are essential to the national cause." 

The Bill, thus cynically supported, passed ; 
but on January 7th, 1867, was vetoed by the 
President. The Republican majority, however, 
was not to be balked. In spite of the facts that 
all resistance to Federal authority in the South 
had long since ceased, and that, according to a 
decision of Mr. Justice Nelson, of the Supreme 
Court, States in which the civil government had 
been restored under the pacific Presidential plan 
were entitled to all the rights of States in the 
Union — in spite of these facts Congress solemnly 
decided that the war was not over; and in March, 
1867, it passed the celebrated Reconstruction Acts, 
in face of the President's veto. These Acts 
annulled the State Governments then in opera- 
tion ; divided the States into military districts, 
and placed them under martial law ; enfranchised 
the negroes; disenfranchised all, whether pardoned 


or not, who had participated in the war against 
the Union, if they had previously held any execu- 
tive, legislative, or judicial office under the State 
or general Government ; and provided for the 
calling of conventions, the framing and adopting 
of State constitutions, and the election of State 
officials. In the interim the military commanders 
were given absolute power, death sentences only 
being subject to the approval of the President. 

This action of the Republicans was far from 
being in accordance with the just and statesman- 
like principles of Lincoln, who, writing in 1862 
to Governor Shepley, in Louisiana, said that only 
respectable citizens of Louisiana, voted for by 
other respectable citizens, were wanted as repre- 
sentatives in Washington. " To send," he con- 
tinued, " a parcel of Northern men here, elected, 
as would be understood, and perhaps justly so, at 
the point of the bayonet, would be disgraceful 
and outrageous." In less than five years party 
spirit had blinded even great Republicans to 
these dictates of generosity and far-seeing patriot- 
ism. Garfield so far forgot his usually chival- 
rous character as to say exultingly, " This Bill 
sets out by laying its hands on the rebel govern- 
ments and taking the very breath of life out of 
them ; in the next place it puts the bayonet at 
the breast of every rebel in the South; in the 


next place it leaves in the hands of Congress, 
utterly and absolutely, the work of recon- 

Now, indeed, the ex- Confederate States were 
about to pay dearly for their faults in the past. 
They had fought, and had poured forth blood and 
treasure ; they had been beaten, and they had 
submitted, but they were not forgiven. They 
had enslaved the black. Henceforth, for a season, 
the black, ignorant, unscrupulous, dissolute, and 
corrupt, was to enslave them. 

What I have written so far applies equally 
to all the Southern States. The miserable 
fortunes of each individual State from the time 
of the passing of the Reconstruction Acts have 
next to be followed. I will endeavour to be 
brief, but no study of the negro question in the 
United States can, as has been said, be perfect, or 
even comprehensible, without some allusion to 
the terrible penalty that" was exacted from a 
brave but vanquished people in and after 1867. 
The States were one and all Democratic. By 
June, 1868, eight out of the eleven were re- 
presented in both branches of Congress. Of the 
representatives, all but two were Republicans ; of 
the Senators, not one was a Democrat ; and one- 
half of the whole were Northerners, who had 
been elected by means such as Mr. Lincoln, in 


1862, had declared to be disgraceful and out- 
rageous. In 1871, when all the States had been 
reconstructed, the South was represented at 
Washington by seventy Republicans and only 
fifteen Democrats. 


In Alabama, as elsewhere, a working and 
fairly satisfactory Government had been sum- 
marily overthrown by the Reconstruction Acts. 
It now made way for a Republican Government 
dominated by negroes, most of whom could 
neither read nor express an intelligent opinion on 
any current topic. The negroes almost to a man 
were Republican, and so violent was unreasoning 
party feeling among them that a few blacks who 
were Democrats were expelled from their 
churches. There was a negro majority in the 
Convention which was elected in 1867 to frame a 
new Constitution ; and, although it was required 
that for the ratification of the Constitution a 
majority of the registered electors of the State 
should vote, the new Constitution was ratified by 
Congress, in defiance of the fact that the 
necessary majority had not voted. Under the 
new Constitution began an era of Republican 
control of an avowedly Democratic State, with 


twenty-six negroes in the House and one in the 
Senate. During this period legislators, as one of 
their number is reported to have said, " sold their 
votes for prices that would have disgraced a 
negro in the time of slavery." Money was ob- 
tained for public works, but never legitimately 
expended, and the only people to profit were 
the Northern " carpet-baggers " and the Southern 
negroes, many of whom were not even tax- 
payers. A state of strife and ill-feeling was 
sedulously kept up between the races, and job- 
bery and corruption were universal and unveiled. 
After the elections of 1872, so outrageous were 
the frauds on the part of the managers that both 
Democrats and Republicans claimed the victory, 
and for a season there were rival Legislatures in 
existence. The Democrats, however, submitted, 
in presence of United States' troops. 

All kinds of most incompetent men were 
appointed to judicial positions. For example, the 
first judge of the criminal court at Selma was 
one Corbin, an old Virginian, who had never 
practised law. Its first clerk was Roderick 
Thomas, a coloured man, who until after his 
manumission was wholly without education. 
When Corbin left the Bench, Thomas succeeded 
him, and another coloured man, as ignorant as 

Thomas, succeeded to the position of elci* 



Here is an extract, illustrative of the character of 
Corbin, from that eccentric judge's charge to the 
grand jury on July 27th, 1874 : — 

" Time was, and not very distantly, gentlemen, when this 
charge was done up and delivered in grand old style : when 
grand old judges, robed in costly black silk gowns and coiffured 
with huge old periwigs, swelling out their august personages, 
were escorted into the Court-rooms by obsequious sheriffs, 
bearing high before them and with stately step their blazoned 
insignia of offices. . . . Fair ladies and courtly old dames 
of pinguid proportions, in rich and rustling silk brocades, 
Hocked to grace the Court-room with their enchanting presence 
and to hear the august, gowned, and periwigged old judges 
ventilate their classic literature and their cultivated oratory in 
the grandiloquent old charge.' 7 

Corbin quarrelled with his party, which got 
rid of him. His characteristic comment was that 
the Republicans were l i a parcel of pigs ; as soon 
as one got an ear of corn the others took after 
him to get it away." 

Such appointments as his were some of the 
fruits of ignorant negro dominion in Alabama. 
They exasperated the Democrats, who, in spite of 
much that is not creditable to them, are, and 
ever since the war have been, the most respect- 
able party in the State. In less than seven years 
this negro domination rendered the State bank- 
rupt and the population furious. The elections 
of 1874 were, in consequence, attended by much 


regretable fraud and violence, and, by some 
means, a Democratic majority was obtained. It 
has kept itself in office ever since ; it has re- 
modelled the Constitution ; it has brought back 
economy and, I believe, honesty in the adminis- 
tration of the public funds ; it has largely re- 
duced the State indebtedness, and it has wholly 
restored the public credit. It may have gained 
and preserved its object by discreditable means, 
but it has not abused its power, and to-day, save 
for the black shadow of the Race Question, 
Alabama flourishes. 


North Carolina fared much as did Alabama. 
Under the Reconstruction Acts and Amendment 
XIV. her most intelligent voters were proscribed, 
and power fell into the hands of plunderers and 
adventurers. The result of the voting for the 
Constitutional Convention in 1867 was that one 
hundred and ten Republicans and only ten Demo- 
crats were returned by a notoriously Democratic 
State; and the new Constitution of 1868 intro- 
duced an era of despotism and fraud. The 
negroes were permitted to vote before they were 
legally entitled to the suffrage, and in the new 
Senate there were thirty -eight Republicans and 


twelve Democrats, while in the House there were 
eighty Republicans and forty Democrats. Several 
of the negro members of the Legislature were 
unable to read. At every opportunity these men 
robbed the State and trifled with its credit. There 
was open corruption and universal bribery. There 
was formed a political "ring," which demanded, 
and generally received, 10 per cent, on all ap- 
propriations passed by the Legislature. Lavish 
entertainments were given and paid for out of 
public money. " A regular bar was established 
in the Capitol, and it was said that, with some- 
what less publicity, some of its rooms were devoted 
to the purposes of prostitution. Decency fled 
abashed ; the spectacle of coarse, ignorant negroes 
sitting at table, drinking champagne and smoking 
Havannah cigars, was not uncommon. 

" I cannot refrain," continues Mr. Vance, 
" from telling a story which I have heard of one, 
old * Cuffy,' who was a member of that body, 
and a shining light in the movement of progress 
— one who, in the language of Mr. Hoar, had his 
c face turned towards the morning light.' A 
friend, going to see him one night at his rooms, 
found him sitting at a table, by the dim light of 
a tallow dip, laboriously counting a pile of money, 
and chuckling to himself. ' Why/ said his visitor, 
' what amuses you so, Uncle Cuffy?' ' Well, 


boss/ he replied, grinning from ear to ear, ' l'se 
been sold in my life 'leven times, an 5 , fo' de 
Lord, dis is de fust time I eber got de money.' " 

The boldness of the robbers of the State was 
extraordinary. On one occasion they obtained 
authority for an issue of bonds to the amount 
of nearly £3,000,000 sterling, for the con- 
struction of a railway. These bonds were all 
issued, but not so much as a single yard of the 
line was ever laid down. Yet the people sub- 
mitted patiently, until what was known as the 
Schoffner Act was passed. This, under the 
pretence of suppressing internal disorders, au- 
thorised the Governor, at his discretion, to declare 
any county in a state of insurrection, to proclaim 
martial law, and to try accused persons by drum- 
head court-martial. It also authorised the raising 
of two regiments of troops, one of which was 
composed of negroes, and the other of which was 
made up of white desperadoes, under the command 
of the infamous Kirk. The proceedings under 
this Act were of such a terrorising nature that the 
whole country took alarm. Many Republicans, 
black and white, joined the Democrats ; at the 
elections of 1870, after a shorter reconstruction 
period than fell to the lot of many other States, 
the Democrats successfully reasserted themselves, 
and North Carolina was redeemed. She has not 


since recovered her financial position, but she 
bids fair to do so. 


So cruelly did South Carolina suffer during the 
era of reconstruction, and so completely was she 
abased, that before the period of her sufferings 
ended she became known as the " Prostrate 
State." Her best white citizens being dis- 
franchised, she could not make her real voice 
heard, and, in 1867, the election of delegates to 
the Convention for the framing of a new con- 
stitution for her resulted in the return of sixty- 
three negroes or coloured people and but thirty- 
four whites. The latter were, almost without 
exception, either Northern adventurers or Southern 
renegades ; the former were, as a body, as ignorant 
as it is possible to conceive. In 1868 the con- 
stitution which had been drawn up by this strange 
Convention was adopted, chiefly upon the strength 
of the votes of the negroes who were not then 
legally enfranchised, but who, nevertheless, were 
encouraged by the Republican managers to go to 
the polls. 

Under the new constitution a General Assem- 
bly was elected. It included seventy-two whites 
and eighty -five coloured men or negroes, and of 


the total number one hundred and thirty-six were 
Republicans and only twenty-one Democrats. 
All this happened in spite of the fact that Amend- 
ment XV. to the United States Constitution, the 
amendment which conferred the franchise upon 
the negro, was not ratified until March 30, 1870. 
General R. K. Scott, of Ohio, an ex-officer of 
the Freedmen's Bureau, was chosen Governor, 
and, almost immediately, the black majority, 
assisted by the white Republican carpet-baggers, 
began to tyrannise over the white Democrats, 
and to exploit the State in their own private 

An Act passed in 1869 abolished the long- 
established rule of evidence that all men shall 
be considered innocent until proved guilty, and 
expressly directed that if the person whose 
rights under the Act were alleged to have been 
denied happened to be coloured, then the burden 
of proof would be on the defendant ; so that any 
person or corporation named in the Act, if simply 
accused by a person of colour, was thereby to be 
presumed to be guilty, and was liable to be sub- 
jected to heavy penalties upon this mere accusa- 
tion, without a particle of proof by the plaintiff 
or any other witness. 

As for the extravagance of the new rulers, it 
was unlimited. When they first met in legislative 


assembly, in 1868, they used the same building 
which the whites had occupied before them, and 
they furnished it inexpensively. But as soon as 
they realised their power, they exhibited their 
luxurious tastes, and furnished anew the legisla- 
tive halls in the State House. For clocks that had 
cost 8s. 6d. they substituted clocks that cost £120 ; 
for spittoons that had cost Is. 8d. they substituted 
spittoons that cost £1 14s. ; for benches that had 
cost 16s. 6d. they substituted crimson sofas that 
cost £40; for chairs that had cost 4s. 2cL they 
substituted crimson plush gothic chairs that cost 
£12 ; for desks that had cost £2 they substituted 
desks that cost £35 ; and for looking-glasses that 
had cost 16s. 6d. thev substituted mirrors that 


cost £120. The furnishing of the hall of the 
House of Representatives of this impoverished 
State cost £19,000. The same hall has recently 
been very nicely refurnished for £612. At 
least forty bed-rooms were furnished at the 
public expense, some of them three times over. 
A restaurant was also maintained in one of the 
committee rooms of the Capitol at Columbia, 
and there officials and their friends and relatives 
helped themselves, without stint, to food, liquors, 
and cigars, at the cost of the taxpayer. For 
six years this restaurant was kept open every 
day from eight o'clock or* oue morning until 


three o'clock on the next. In a single session 
the restaurant swallowed up £25^000. 

Nor was this by any means all. In 1873 Mr. 
J. S. Pike, late United States Minister to Hol- 
land, a Republican, and originally a staunch Abo- 
litionist, wrote a little book * on the situation 
in South Carolina. His testimony cannot be 
challenged. He, at least, was no Southern 
Democrat, full of hatred to "niggers," and to 
all the works of the North ; and the picture 
that he painted is one which shows corruption, 
extravagance, and legislative wickedness such as 
never prevailed even in Hayti in its worst days. 
Describing u A Black Parliament," he says : — 

" Here, then, is the outcome, the ripe, perfected fruit of 
the boasted civilisation of the South after 200 years of experi- 
ence. A white community that had gradually risen from 
small beginnings till it grew into wealth, culture, and refine- 
ment, and became accomplished in all the arts of civilisation ; 
that successfully asserted its resistance to a foreign tyranny 
by deeds of conspicuous valour ; that achieved liberty and in- 
dependence through the fire and tempest of civil war, and 
illustrated itself in the councils of the nation by orators and 
statesmen worthy of any age or nation — such a community is 
then reduced to this. It lies prostrate in the dust, ruled over 
by this strange conglomerate, gathered from the ranks of its 
own servile population. ... In the place of this old 
aristocratic society stands the rude form of the most ignorant 

. * " The Prostrate State." 


democracy that mankind ever saw invested with the functions 
of government. It is the dregs of the population habited in 
the robes of their intelligent predecessors, and asserting over 
them the rule of ignorance and corruption through the in- 
exorable machinery of a majority of numbers. It is barbarism 
overwhelming civilisation by physical force. . . . We will 
enter the House of Representatives. Here sit 124 members; 
of these twenty-three are white men, representing the remains 
of the old civilisation. . . . These twenty-three white 
men are but the observers, the enforced auditors, of the dull 
and clumsy imitation of a deliberative body, whose appearance 
in their present capacity is at once a wonder and a shame to 
modern civilisation. . . . The Speaker is black, the clerk 
is black, the door-keepers are black, the little pages are black, 
the Chairman of the Ways and Means is black, and the 
chaplain is coal-black. At some of the desks sit coloured men 
whose types it would be hard to find outside of Congo ; whose 
costumes, visages, attitudes, and expressions only befit the 
forecastle of a buccaneer. " 

Such were the rulers of a State that then 
contained oyer 300,000 white men and women. 

In 1869 an exclusively coloured militia was 
organised, and, by the end of 1870, 96,000 men 
were enrolled in it. To fourteen regiments of 
these men arms and ammunition were issued 
before the re-election of General Scott in 1870; 
they officially attended political meetings and were 
paid for their services there, and they were con- 
fessedly enrolled and used for political purposes. 
An armed constabulary was maintained for the 


same objects. On June 25, 1870, J. W. Ander- 
son, a deputy-constable, reported to his chief : — 
" We can carry the county (York) if we get con- 
stables enough, by encouraging the militia, and 
frightening the poor white men. I am going 
into the campaign for Scott." And on July 
8, 1870, Joseph Crews, a deputy- constable, re- 
ported from Laurens county : — " We are going to 
have a hard campaign up here, and we must have 
more constables. I will carry the election here 
with the militia if the constables will work with 
me. I am giving out ammunition all the time. 
Tell Scott he is all right here now." Again, 
testifying before a legislative committee in 1877, 
J. B. Hubbard, the Chief Constable, said: — 

" It was understood that by arming the coloured militia 
and keeping some of the most influential officers under pay, a 
full vote would be brought out for the Republicans, and the 
Democracy, or many of the weak-kneed Democrats, intimidated. 
At the time the militia was organised, there was, comparatively 
speaking, but little lawlessness. The militia, being organised 
and armed, caused an increase of crime and bloodshed in 
most of the counties, in proportion to their numbers and the 
number of arms and amount of ammunition furnished them." 

Governor Scott spent £75,000 of public 
money in the advancement of his candidature, 
and his majority of 30,000 votes was due en- 
tirely to terrorism and bribery. In 1871 it 


was discovered that the Financial Board had 
illegally issued several millions of State bonds, 
and there was a movement for the impeachment 
of Scott, who was a member of the Board. To 
save himself Scott issued three warrants upon 
the Armed Force Fund, leaving the amounts 
blank, and gave them to two of his political 
associates. The warrants were afterwards filled 
up for £9,729, and the money was used to bribe 
members of the Legislature, the result being that 
the Governor escaped. In the meantime, so out- 
rageous was the waste of public money, and so 
unabashed the general corruption, that several out- 
breaks occurred. These were suppressed by a 
suspension in certain counties of the writ of habeas 
corpus ; but there is no doubt that they represented 
chiefly the efforts of honest citizens to protect 
themselves when they found that the Government 
did not protect them. 

Mr. Franklin J. Moses, jun., succeeded General 
Scott as Governor, in 1872 ; and under him cor- 
ruption grew more rampant than ever. Writing 
soon after that person had assumed office, Mr. 
J. S. Pike said : — 

" The whole of the late Administration . . . was a 
morass of rottenness, and the present Administration was 
born of the corruptions of that. . . . There seems to be 
no hope, therefore, that the villainies of the past will be 


speedily uncovered. The present Governor was Speaker of the 
last House, and he is credited with having issued during his 
term of office over $400,000 (£80,000) of pay certificates, 
which are still unredeemed and for which there is no appropria- 
tion, but which must be saddled on the taxpayers sooner or 
later. . . . Taxation is not in the least diminished ; and 
nearly $2,000,000 per annum are raised for State expenses 
where $400,000 formerly sufficed. . . . The new Governor 
has the reputation of spending $30,000 to $40,000 a year on a 
salary of $3,500 ; bub his financial operations are taken as a 
matter of course, and only referred to with a slight shrug 
of the shoulders. . . . The total amount of the stationery 
bill of the House for the twenty years preceding 1861 averaged 
$400 (£80) per annum. Last year it was $16,000 (£3,200). 
It is bad enough to have the decency and intelligence 
and property of the State subjected to the domination of its 
ignorant black pauper multitude, but it becomes unendurable 
when to that ignorance the worst vices are superadded." 

Moses's rule was far worse than Scott's. 
There was more waste, more corruption, and 
more lawlessness. In 1874 a committee was 
appointed to represent the state of affairs to the 
President ; but Moses and his fellows learnt be- 
times of this intention, and, haying misappro- 
priated £500 of public money for the purpose, 
were able to checkmate the move. It is impos- 
sible here to go into details of the various 
legislative and political scandals of the period. 
So venal was Moses, and so notoriously did he 
sell his power, that, more than once, judges 


announced from the bench their unwillingness to 
put the people to the expense and trouble of con- 
victing criminals for the Governor to pardon. 

Governor D. H. Chamberlain, a well-meaning 
and honest Republican, succeeded this miscreant 
in 1874; yet he proved too weak to control his 
party. Owing to the action of a remnant of 
Scott's negro militia, a bloody riot occurred in 
Edgefield county in January, 1875 ; and in his 
treatment of this event, as well as in his attempts 
to lessen the public expenditure, Mr. Chamber- 
lain showed that he was animated by the best 
desires; but in 1875 his efforts to ensure the 
purity and integrity of the Bench were circum- 
vented by a conspiracy among his followers ; and 
among the judges then chosen was the infamous 
ex-Governor Moses. Mr. Chamberlain refused 
to commission him, and the man never served. 
The circumstances of his choice, however, aroused 
the country, and determined the people to oust 
the Republicans. At the elections of 1876 they 
chose as their Governor General Wade Hampton, 
and put Democrats and white men into all official 
and representative positions. In this election 
there were fraud and violence on both sides ; 
but, while the Democrats were fighting for their 
liberty, and almost for their lives, the Repub- 
licans were fighting mainly for office alone. And 


the victors have not, upon the whole, abused their 
victory. They have introduced administrative 
economy ; they have restored the credit of their 
State ; they have cared for education and general 
progress ; and they have brought back a fair mea- 
sure of peace and a large one of prosperity. 

And here I should add one word more con- 
cerning Moses. After his fall from power he be- 
came a criminal of the vulgarest character. In 
1881 he was sentenced to six months' imprison- 
ment for fraud to the amount of $25 ; in 1884 he 
was sentenced to three months' imprisonment for 
swindling; in 1885 he was sentenced to six 
months' imprisonment for fraud to the amount of 
$34 ; and in the same year he was sent to prison 
for three years for five other fraudulent transac- 
tions. After his release he was arrested for steal- 
ing overcoats from the hall of a New York house. 
He was apparently an incorrigible scoundrel first 
and last. 

In 1877 a committee was appointed by the 
Legislature of South Carolina to inquire into and 
report upon the scandals of the period from 1867 
to 1876. I cannot resist the temptation of 
making a few extracts from the report : — 

" If the simple statement was made that Senators and 
Members of the House were furnished with everything they 


desired, from swaddling clothes and cradle to the coffin of the 
undertaker, from brogans to chignons, from finest extracts to 
best wines and liquors, and that all was paid for by the State, 
it would create a smile of doubt and derision ; but when we 
make the statement, and prove it by several witnesses and by 
vouchers found in the offices of the Clerks of the Senate and 
House, all must, with sorrow, admit the truthfulness of the 

"A. O. Jones, Clerk of the House, testifies that supplies 
were furnished under the head of 'legislative expenses,' 
'sundries/ and 6 stationery/ and included refreshments for 
committee rooms, groceries, clocks, horses, carriages, dry goods, 
furniture of every description, and miscellaneous articles of 
merchandise for the personal use of the members. 

" It is shown that on March 4, 1872, Solomon furnished the 
Senate with $1,631 worth of wines and liquors, and on the 7th 
day of the same month with $1,852 75c. worth. 

" Whilst fraud, bribery, and corruption were rife in every 
department of the State Government, nothing equalled the 
infamy attending the management of public printing. . 
From 1868 to 1876 the sums paid for public printing 
amounted to $1,326,589 (£265,318) — a sum largely in excess 
of the cost of public printing from the establishment of the 
State Government up to 1868. . . . The public printing 
in this State cost $450,000 (£90,000) in one year, and ex- 
ceeded the cost of like work in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, Maryland, and New York by $122,932 (£24,588)." 

The Committee gives a list of the names of 
twenty-two Senators and Representatives who 
received sums varying from £10 to £1,000 under 
what was called the " division and silence 
arrangement/' and it also gives a list of those 


who were bribed to vote for these enormous 
appropriations. Governor Moses received £4,000, 
Mr. Cardozo (treasurer) received £2,500, and so 
on. It is not surprising that under so iniquitous 
a system the State printing bill, which, during 
the seventy-eight years ending 1868 had been 
but £121,800, mounted up in the eight years 
(1868-76) to £265,318. During the negro-Re- 
publican era of reconstruction South Carolina's 
monthly printing bill averaged £11,133; during 
General Wade Hampton's administration it aver- 
aged £103. 


In Georgia the reconstruction period was 
likewise full of fraud and corruption. In one 
short session the pay and mileage allowances of 
members and officers of the General Assembly 
amounted to $979,055, or £195,811, and there 
were no fewer than one hundred and four clerks, 
or nearly one clerk to every two members. Be- 
tween 1868 and 1870 the State debt increased 
from $5,827,000 to $18,183,000, and the State 
bonds became almost unmarketable, while all 
public works either fell to ruin or were u run" 
by, and mainly for the benefit of, unscru- 
pulous adventurers of the worst type. During 



his term of three years Governor Bullock, the 
Reconstruction Governor, pardoned three hundred 
and forty-six offenders against the law, some of 
whom actually received pardon before trial. 
Indeed, seven pardons before trial were granted 
to one man, who pleaded them to seven separate 
indictments. The elections of December, 1870, 
put an end to this. The Democratic victory was 
overwhelming, and, before the Deputies of the 
people could confront him, Bullock had resigned 
office and fled the State. Since that moment 
prosperity has revived. 


In Florida, the first Reconstruction Governor, 
Harrison Reed, very nearly doubled the State 
expenditure during his four years of office. Rail- 
way and legislative scandals were common. From 
Governor downwards every official seemed to be 
equally corrupt and equally devoid of patriotism. 
On one occasion an Act of the Legislature was 
forged ; and, armed with it, the Governor claimed, 
but failed to obtain, some agricultural land scrip 
that was in the hands of the Treasury at Washing- 
ton. The ballot boxes were tampered with, and 
the election returns falsified. In the meantime 
the State Treasury was often so empty that even 


telegraph charges could not be paid. The second 
Reconstruction Governor, O. B. Hart, who as- 
sumed office in 1873, realised the deplorable 
condition of affairs, but proved powerless to effect 
reforms. People were kidnapped, really that 
they might be unable to vote, but professedly 
in order that they might appear as witnesses in 
distant courts of justice. A similar process was, 
on at least one occasion, applied to members of 
the State Senate, two of whom were arrested and 
carried to Jacksonville, in order that they might 
not imperil by their votes the nefarious schemes 
of their Republican colleagues. The elections of 
1876 placed the Democrats in power and intro- 
duced a new and more reputable era. 


During the reconstruction period Virginia's 
sufferings were less painful and considerably 
briefer than were those of most of the other old 
slave States with which I am dealing. Such 
misfortunes as she experienced were attributable, 
nevertheless, to causes exactly the same as those 
which brought South Carolina to the lowest 
depths of misery and degradation. In Virginia, 
as elsewhere, the reconstruction laws disfran- 
chised the majority of the best native whites and 


handed over the country to the tender mercies of 
ignorant blacks, prompted by unscrupulous carpet- 
baggers. Yet in Virginia the process known as 
reconstruction seems to have been singularly 
uncalled for save as a purely party measure. It 
was not needed for the protection of the negroes. 
Professor Alexander Johnston, in the " Cyclo- 
paedia of Political Science/' calls attention to the 
conspicuous equity of the Virginia statute, made 
after the war but before reconstruction, for the 
regulation of contracts between blacks and whites. 
Reconstruction was needed only for the preserva- 
tion of Republican power. It ended in 1870, 
but while it lasted it had a very bad effect upon 
all the institutions of the State, and especially 
upon the judiciary. Says Mr. Robert Stiles : — 
" The writer has appeared in a circuit court of 
Virginia before a bench upon which sat a so- 
called Judge, who had the day before been a 
clerk in a village grocery store, and who was not 
better fitted for the dignity and duty devolved 
upon him than the average grocery clerk would 


In Mississippi the period was much longer and 
much more severe and stormy. It was Mr. John 
Q, Adams, of Massachusetts, who, describing 


the treatment during this time of the van- 
quished and resigned Southerners, said that the 
Northerners scorned the protests of the ex-Con- 
federates, " repelled their aid, insulted their 
misery, and inflicted on them an abasement which 
they felt to be intolerable in posting over them 
their slaves of yesterday to secure their pledge 
of submission to the Constitution of the United 
States." The South, therefore, was by no means 
alone in feeling that she was aggrieved. 

In Mississippi, as in other States, a Convention 
met after the passing of the Reconstruction Acts 
to draw up a new State Constitution. The Con- 
vention was of the usual "'black and tan" com- 
plexion, and in the qualities of ignorance, cor- 
ruption, and depravity was almost all that the 
imagination can conceive. "It was," says Mr. 
Ethelbert Barksdale, u a fool's paradise for the 
negroes, who undertook to perform what they 
were incapable of doing; and, as to their mer- 
cenary white leaders, the stream of purpose which 
ran through all their actions was plunder and 
revenge. Not one of the authors and abettors of 
the plan was actuated by a higher motive than 
party success. Not one of them believed that it 
would promote the restoration of the Union to 
substitute the rule of knaves and negroes for the 
State Governments which they had overthrown. 


They knew the depravity of the white renegades 
whom they had commissioned to do this work, 
and they knew, to employ the language of a 
Northern statesman and Union soldier, that 
' in the whole historic period of the world the 
negro race had never established or maintained 
a Government for themselves.' " 

The Convention was very deliberate in its 
action. Its members lived in a state of luxury 
unknown to their previous habits. They voted 
themselves $10 (£2) a day, and paid their 
innumerable hangers-on correspondingly high 
wages ; and, although the body cost about 
£100,000 sterling while it sat, it would have cost 
far more but for the inexorable attitude of the 
commanding general, who, in the interregnum, 
was practically dictator. 

The Constitution which the Convention drew 
up was promptly rejected at the polls, and was 
only ratified in a modified form upon the holding 
of a second election in 1869. As originally 
devised it would have excluded half the intelli- 
gent white population from all offices, and would 
even have actually and permanently disfran- 
chised anyone who during the war had charitably 
contributed to the relief of sick and suffering 
Confederate soldiers. 

The first election under the Amended Consti- 


tution returned a Legislature four-fifths composed 
of negroes and carpet-baggers, and the negroes 
had a majority. The immediate consequences 
were that corruption began to regulate every 
public and legislative transaction, and that the 
State started on a career which led it with daily 
accelerating speed in the direction of ruin. 
Within six years 6,400,000 acres of land were 
adjudged forfeited for non-payment of the taxes 
which were necessary to support the extravagance 
and folly of the ruling clique. Thenceforward, 
until, at least, these lands were redeemed, taxation 
fell with correspondingly increased weight upon 
the rest of the unfortunate State. And so matters 
went from bad to worse until, after years of 
tyranny, waste, and extravagance on the part of 
their governors, the whites could submit no 

From a taxpayers' petition addressed to the 
Legislature on January 4th, 1875, I extract the 
following : — 

"To show the extraordinary and rapid increase of taxation 
imposed on this impoverished people, these particulars are 
cited : — In 1869 the State levy was 10 cents on the hundred 
dollars of assessed value of lands. For the year 1871 it was 
four times as great. For 1872 it was four times as great. 
For the year 1873 it was eight and a half times as great. For 
the year 1874 it was fourteen times as great. ... In 


many counties the increase in the county levies has been still 

At this crisis Mr. George E. Harris, a Republican 
ex- Attorney- General and member of Congress, 
wrote: — " The people are in a state of exaspera- 
tion, and in their poverty and desperation they 
are in arms against the burden of taxes levied and 
collected on their property." But the petition 
was laughed at by those who were profiting by 
the misery of the citizens. The people, there- 
fore, roused themselves, and, partially, it may 
be, by violence and fraud, but wholly in self- 
defence, rescued the State at the elections of 1875 
from its abasement. Since then there has been 
no important break in the steady financial, agri- 
cultural, educational, and industrial improvement 
of Mississippi. 


Louisiana, alas, fared much worse than Missis- 
sippi — worse, in fact, than any of the old slave 
States ; for even in South Carolina the agony was 
not so bloody. 

The Constitutional Convention of 1867 was 
elected on a registration list which had been so 
manipulated as to show only 45,218 white voters 
to 84,436 black ones ; and at the legislative 


elections of 1868 the successful candidates were 
chiefly negroes. Indeed, in the Senate there 
were but about half a dozen whites. 

To the summit of this mass of ignorance and 
corruption a creature named Henry C. Warmoth 
at once climbed. By arts which can best be com- 
pared with those of the political schemer in a 
burlesque, he had already ingratiated himself 
with the negroes ; and he had little difficulty in 
inducing his proteges to make him the first Re- 
construction Governor of Louisiana. 

Warmoth originally went to Louisiana in the 
Federal Army, from which he is said to have 
been dismissed for good cause. He should ap- 
pear in history as one of the very worst of the 
carpet-baggers ; yet he was a man of, in some 
respects, a remarkable character. From his 
earliest assumption of power he took measures 
not merely to render himself supreme, but also to 
render himself irremovable. He was " inaugur- 
ated" in July, 1868. Democratic members of 
the Legislature were, with very few exceptions, 
excluded by the operation of a test oath imposed 
by the majority; all election machinery and the 
disposal of nearly all important offices were en- 
trusted to the hands and sole will of the 
Governor ; and a Board of Registration was 
appointed, the object of which was to ensure that 


elections should result favourably to the party in 
power. Warmoth, whenever he made a consider- 
able appointment, adopted the precaution of 
simultaneously obtaining from the appointee a 
resignation in blank ; so that rebellious or 
troublesome officials could always be summarily 
got rid of by the simple act on the part of the 
Governor of filling up the blank forms. So com- 
plete in time became Warmoth's system that, 
says Mr. B. J. Sage, " a practically unanimous 
people could not have driven the Republicans out, 
save by a popular uprising." 

Of the members of the Legislature only ten 
among the dominant party were taxpayers ; and, 
consequently, the House was not in the slightest 
degree of sympathy with the people, who soon 
began to be burdened with a taxation such as had 
before been undreamt of. Corruption and bri- 
bery reigned supreme, " and the knaves, to avoid 
any possible danger, refused to pass any bribery 
law, so that it was no crime to bribe a public 
official." To assist himself and his fellows in con- 
trolling elections, Warmoth raised what was in 
fact, though not in name, a standing army, and 
subsequently a small fleet; and he caused the 
establishment in all parishes of Republican news- 
paper organs, to the conductors of which was 
given a monopoly of printing the laws and public 


advertisements. The State expenditure rose to 
five times its normal level ; the cost of the short 
session of 1871 amounted to £1,230 sterling per 
legislator; and the State debt, of course, increased 
rapidly and alarmingly, until proportionately to 
the population it became, within only a year and 
a half, very much larger than that of any State in 
the Union. Bonds were issued for all kinds of 
fraudulent objects — many at a rate as high as 8 per 
cent. ; and all sorts of valuable privileges and 
franchises were given away to the favourites of 
the men in power. In fact, the State was plun- 
dered wholesale and in every direction. It is 
calculated that Louisiana was the loser in these 
years of the equivalent of about £24,000,000 
sterling, or of more than half the total estimated 
wealth of the State. 

Warmoth's own share of the spoils was large, 
but its exact amount can never be ascertained. 
Up to the time of his accession the average 
printing expenses of the State had been about 
$37,000 (£7,400 a year). During the first two 
years and a half of Warmoth's rule the New 
Orleans Republican, in which he was the principal 
shareholder, received $1,140,881 (£228,170) for 
public printing. Warmoth also took upon him- 
self the appointment of the judges — from whom 
he exacted the usual blank resignations; and thus 


with an army, a navy, a press, a bench, a legisla- 
ture, and election managers all securely, as he 
believed, tethered to his chariot, he was absolute 

He found his justification in the elections of 
1870, which went exactly as he willed them to go. 
Not even Lopez in Paraguay was more powerful 
than Warmoth in Louisiana. " But," says Mr. 
Sage, "over the spoils arose the inevitable quarrel, 
and the two factions that formed went heartily 
into their only good work, which was to acquaint 
Louisiana and the world with their rascalities 
and infamy, and make manifest the gross wrong 
of Congressional reconstruction." For over two 
years the Warcnothites and the anti- Warcnothites 
fought, often in arms, frequently with much 
bloodshed; and in 1872-73 the State was in a 
condition of disgraceful anarchy, which was in 
nowise ended by the substitution of Pinchback, 
the Lieutenant-Governor, for Warmoth, and by 
the impeachment of the latter ; for by that time 
another Governor, who claimed to have been 
properly elected, was in the field in the person of 
Mr. W. P. Kellogg. Kellogg was sustained by 
United States troops; but, although there were 
many riots and much bloodshed on his behalf, he 
was never popularly recognised. In one riot 
alone sixty-three persons were killed. 


Kellogg was worse even than Warmoth had 
been. In 1874 the whites organised themselves 
for their protection under the style of the White 
League. Their attempt to arm themselves led to 
a bloody battle at New Orleans, in which forty 
people were killed and 100 wounded. Immedi- 
ately afterwards Kellogg was overthrown ; but he 
was re-seated by the Federal forces. At the 1874 
elections the Democratic whites again swept the 
State ; but Warmoth' s cunningly devised Return- 
ing Board, which still existed, neutralised the 
results by summarily rejecting nearly half the 
successful opposition candidates, and by thus 
manufacturing another Republican Legislature. 
Indeed, a number of Democratic members of the 
House were actually arrested by Federal troops. 
A Congressional Committee, it is true, afterwards 
recognised the illegality of these acts, and rein- 
stated a majority of the Democrats, but the policy 
of the committee did not reconcile the State with 
Kellogg and with his numerous other enormities. 
For example, the Governor illegally arrested be- 
tween 500 and 600 persons at various times, 
generally on blank warrants; and in every in- 
stance in which any of these cases were investi- 
gated in Court the charges were dismissed. 

The struggle of 1874 had not satisfied Kellogg 
that there was a point beyond which he should 


not go in his requests for Federal assistance. He 
determined to make further requests, with a view 
to securely intrenching his party during the 
elections of 1876. Once more, however, and in 
spite of wholesale bribery on the other side, the 
Democrats swept the State ; and again the results 
were neutralised by the operations of the old 
infamous Returning Board. Renewed anarchy, 
with two Governors and two Governments, 
followed. One Government — that of Packard, 
the Republican leader — was unable, nevertheless, 
to exercise even a vestige of authority outside 
the State House, which, crowded with people, 
lay in] a state of siege, in spite of the fact that 
small-pox had broken out there. Packard waited 
for the active Federal support which had never 
been refused to Kellogg, but he waited in vain ; 
and when, after months of hesitation, the President 
withdrew the National troops, Packard and his 
Government collapsed. Governor Nicholls, a 
Democrat, then assumed full authority ; and from 
that day Louisiana has formed part of the " solid " 
Democratic South. 

And here let it not be forgotten that public 
gambling and public lotteries owed their establish- 
ment in Louisiana to Warmoth. The gambling 
has since been abolished ; the Louisiana lottery, 
owing to its having been granted a twenty-five 


years' charter, still exists to remind the world of 
the evil methods of the period of reconstruction. 
Warmoth himself said of the Legislature which 
he had caused to be elected in 1870 : — " There is 
but one honest man in it," and to a delegation he 
cynically remarked, " Corruption is the fashion ; 
I do not pretend to be honest, but only as honest 
as anybody in politics." 

I might also trace the history of reconstruction 
in Tennessee, in West Virginia, in Missouri, and 
in Arkansas ; but I am chiefly confining my 
attention to those Southern States which con- 
stitute the " Black Belt" — the district, that is, 
throughout which blacks and whites are nearly 
evenly balanced, and in which there are particular 
commonwealths containing more blacks than 
whites. Moreover, on this branch of the subject 
I have written enough, I believe, to show reason, 
if not to show excuse, for the political feeling 
which occupies the first place in the heart of 
every Southern white man. 

That feeling is, by itself, a political creed 
stronger than the creed of Republican or of 
Democrat ; and it may be thus formulated. You 
have freed our slaves, and, far from regretting, 
we rejoice in what you have done. Without 
properly consulting us, you have given those 


ex-slaves the suffrage and civil rights. There, we 
think, you have greatly erred. While we will 
admit that some negroes and coloured people are 
fit to exercise the suffrage, we are of opinion that 
the vast majority of them, owing as well to 
natural lack of mental ballast as to ignorance, are 
incapable of exercising the suffrage to their own 
best welfare, to the benefit of the white people 
among whom they live, and to the general advan- 
tage of the nation. Apart from this opinion of 
ours, and quite regardless of the question whether 
that opinion be sound or not, we are steadfastly 
determined never again to submit to any form, 
direct or indirect, of negro government. We 
have experienced a form of such government 
during the Reconstruction Era. In those days 
the chief sufferers were ourselves, and the chief 
gainers were, not the negroes, who, like machines, 
registered the desires of their patrons, but the 
unscrupulous whites who exploited the negroes. 
We intend, therefore, to risk no more of that 
kind of thing. Here and there the negroes may 
be more numerous than we whites. It must 
make no difference. The white must rule, no 
matter at what cost. You shall never again, 
while we exist, compel us to relinquish that 
determination. Our view does not, it may be, 
accord with the principles of your Amendment 


XV. , but it accords with our ideas of the minimum 
of social comfort and security, and we intend 
steadfastly to adhere to it, even if adherence 
should cost us blood and treasure and much more 
that we hold dear. You Northerners have never 
known any form of negro domination, and have 
never been in danger of it. Indeed, you know 
little about the negro. We have to live with him, 
and we are familiar with his failings as well as 
with his virtues. Our knowledge tells us that it 
would be suicidal folly to entrust ourselves, our 
families, and our fortunes to his political dis- 
cretion. You think otherwise; but do not, we 
pray you, ever attempt to make us practise in all 
their fulness your very humane theories. We 
would rather die at once. Congress, we know, 
once passed a Civil Rights Bill, which directed 
"that all persons within the jurisdiction of the 
United States should be entitled to the full and 
equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advan- 
tages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public 
conveyances on land or water, theatres, and other 
places of amusement, subject only to the con- 
ditions and limitations established by law, and 
applicable alike to citizens of every race and 
colour, regardless of any previous condition of 
servitude." That was very well in theory, but 
the Act has been held by the United States 


Supreme Court to be unconstitutional, and, in 
any case, you must never ask us to accept it. 
There are occasions when we cannot admit that 
whites and blacks are equal. 

The above position is one upon which the 
whites of the South are, as I convinced myself 
during my stay and inquiries here, practically 
iinanimous. It is a position of danger, for it is a 
position of covert, if not open, hostility to the 
spirit of laws of the Union. A strict and rigid 
enforcement of those laws, supposing that it could 
be attempted, would, there is no doubt, create an 
exceedingly grave crisis. On the other hand, 
there is, or may be, danger in the fact that the 
negro as a citizen does not get all that to which 
he is legally entitled. How he is deprived of 
very much that the law affects to give him will 
be the subject of the next chapter. 



The main outlines of the rights of the negro in 
the United States are laid down in Amendments 
XIII., XIV., and XV. to the American Con- 
stitution. Says Amendment XIIL, u Neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a 
punishment for crime whereof the party shall 
have been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
United States, or any place subject to their juris- 
diction." Says Amendment XIV., " All persons 
born or naturalised in the United States, and 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of 
the United States and of the State wherein they 
reside. No State shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities 
of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or 
property without due process of law, nor deny to 
any person within its jurisdiction the equal pro- 
tection of the laws." And, says Amendment 
XV., " The right of the citizens of the United 


States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by 
the United States, or any State, on account of 
race, colour, or previous condition of servitude.' 5 
Such is roughly the American charter of the 
black and coloured man's liberties. 

The Civil Rights Bill, passed by Congress in 
1875, went further, and, as I have said, declared 
that " All persons within the jurisdiction of the 
United States shall be entitled to the full and 
equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advan- 
tages, facilities, and privilege of inns, public con- 
veyances on land or water, theatres, and other 
places of amusement, subject only to the condi- 
tions and limitations established by law, and 
applicable alike to citizens of every race and 
colour, regardless of any previous condition of 
servitude." But this measure was held by the 
United States Supreme Court to be unconstitu- 
tional ; and I only again cite its first section here 
in order to show, in all completeness, what the 
negro in America wants and is struggling for, 
and what his most enthusiastic friends in the 
North would give him if they had it in their 
power to give. 

It is because he is not given these rights, and 
because some of the rights which are given to 
him in law are withheld from him in practice, 
that the Race Question is to-day one of towering 


importance in America. If the American white 
were able to frankly make up his mind to accept 
the negro as in all respects his political and social 
equal, the whole question would vanish, and the 
two races might, in course of time, become one. 
But the American white, it is absolutely certain, 
will never adopt this solution of the difficulty. 
He will not frankly accept the negro as his equal 
at the polls, in society, in the court of law, or in 
the school. He holds that the negro is physic- 
ally and intellectually inferior in the scale of 
humanity ; and he points, with a gesture that 
forbids argument, to the differences that exist- 
between the Caucasian and the Caucasian's 
" brother in black." 

Am I, he asks, to admit my equality with a 
being who more nearly approaches the quadru- 
mana than does any other member of the human 
family ; with a being whose arms are, on an 
average, two inches longer than mine ? Am I to 
admit my equality with a being whose facial 
angle is about 70 deg., while mine is about 
82 deg. ? Am I to admit my equality with a 
being the average weight of whose brain is ten 
ounces less than that of people of my own 
family ? Is it a matter of insignificance that he 
is black while I am white ; that his eyes have a 
yellowish sclerotic coat; that his nose is short, 



depressed, and dilated; that he has high and 
prominent cheek-bones ; that his cranium is much 
thicker than mine ; that he has a low instep and 
a " lark heel" ; that his head is covered not with 
hair but with wool of nearly flat section; that 


his skin is thicker than mine, and- that it is 
velvety and emits a characteristic odour ; that 
his frame, owing to structural peculiarities, is 
not as erect as mine ; or that the cranial sutures 
of the negro close up much earlier than those 
of the white man ? 

These points of difference, and many more, 
are ever before the eye and in the mind of the 
American white in the South. I am not con- 
cerned to say whether or not the white man pays 


exaggerated attention to them. I can only 
declare that, influenced, rightly or wrongly, by 
his observations and his prejudices, the white 
Southerner has impregnably determined that, in 
spite of anything that Constitutional Amend- 
ments and State legislation may hint to the 
contrary, the negro on American soil occupies an 
inferior position, and that he must never be 
allowed to trespass beyond it. 

I have already incidentally mentioned that 
the illegal repression of the black is openly 
defended by Americans who, in the ordinary 
affairs of life, take rank as men of honour. Mr. 
George William Curtis, writing in Harper's 
Weekly in June, 1887, said: — 

" What is the Southern question 1 It is essentially one of 
the gravest and most vital that can concern any community, 
for it is substantially the question whether where the coloured 
vote is largely in the majority, and is cast all together, the 
community shall be placed under the government of its most 
ignorant class, recently emancipated from a dehumanising 
slavery, and led by unscrupulous chiefs. The pitiless cruelty 
of slavery was not a good school for the exercise of political 
supremacy in an otherwise highly civilised community, and the 
situation in some parts of the Southern States is one which, 
could it be reproduced in the Northern States, would not be 
tolerated. Relief would be sought and found under law or 
over law, and that is what is done in such communities in 
the Southern States. There is plainly a deprivation of rights 
conferred by law. But would any humane and intelligent 


Republican say that the power of the United States should be 
employed to compel submission to an endless rule like that of 
Moses in South Carolina ? " 

And the Boston Herald, one of the most 
respectable of Northern newspapers, candidly 
tells its New England readers that if they lived 
in the South they would entertain the same views 
about the negroes as the Southern whites do. It 
explains very thoroughly the race prejudice, 
which is prevalent with all white races, and 
particularly with the Anglo-Saxon, and which has 
kept the Anglo-Saxon race pure and has preserved 
its institutions, civilisation, and free government. 
Says the Herald on this subject : — 

" The treatment accorded to coloured races by white men, 
especially representatives of the Anglo-Saxon race, has never 
been of a kind to call forth commendations, and yet it may be 
said that this almost universal display of inhumanity indicates 
that it is a necessary feature of race development. Oar 
Western countrymen believe that the only good Indian is a 
dead Indian ; our Southern countrymen believe that the negro 
is a person who cannot be allowed political and social equality, 
but must be kept in an inferior condition. We in the North, 
who have nothing to fear from Indians and with whom the 
negro is an exception, raise our voices in protest at such 
barbarity. And yet our forefathers, who were, perhaps, quite 
as conscientious persons as we are, did not hesitate to 
undertake a war of extermination against the Indians, and 
they even held views concerning the negro quite different from 
those which we entertain. 


" In fact, human nature is such that the chances are 
altogether in favour of the supposition that, if the people of 
New England could be transported to the North- Western States 
and Territories, and our fellow citizens of those districts 
brought back to New England, we should soon have those 
who now entertain philanthropic views concerning the Indians 
crying out for their speedy extermination, while those who now 
regard them as obstacles to civilisation, to be brushed out of 
the way as soon as possible, would come, looking at them from 
a perspective of 2,000 miles, to regard them as men and 
brothers, deserving of kind and equitable treatment. We 
dare say that the removal of the white people of the North to 
the Southern States and the transfer of the Southern people 
to the north of Mason and Dixon's line would be attended 
with the same reversal of opinions respecting the negro 
question — that is, the manner in which these race problems are 
regarded is largely a matter of geographical location." 

The Atlanta Constitution thus excuses the 
attitude of the whites. Is there, it asks, a State 
in the North in which if, as in Mississippi, 181,000 
negro voters, of whom 145,000 are unable to read 
or write, were to-day settled, the white people 
would be or could be divided under any pretence 
or by any power ? Is there a Northern State in 
which, although, as in Mississippi, there were only 
121,000 white voters to oppose them, this host of 
black illiterates could capture and maintain the 
control of affairs under any pretext or by any 
power ? Could this be done in Indiana, or in 
Ohio, and especially could it be done if, as in 


Mississippi, the hideous and sickening pages of 
the carpet-bag era, by showing what these people 
did do when the whites were united against them, 
gave appalling suggestions of what they would do 
if the whites were divided ? Iowa has about 
the voting population of Georgia, say 320,000. 
If 130,000 of these voters were negroes, of whom 
100,000 were illiterate (to say no worse), is there 
any sane man who believes, or any fair man who 
will assert, that the white people of Iowa would 
not so unite as to hold control of their affairs, and 
remain so united, in all despite? Would any 
political ambition, or could any external force, so 
divide the whites as to make it possible for a con- 
siderable minority of their number, by deluding 
the ignorant and bribing the corrupt of the negroes, 
to hold the reins of government ? 

Nor can it be denied that, in practice, many 
of the most negrophil Northerners have as little as 
possible to do with the black, and, indeed, syste- 
matically treat him as an inferior. A Republican 
Congress twenty years ago forced negro suffrage 
upon the South, and at the same time established 
it in the District of Columbia. Six years' experi- 
ence of it in Columbia was sufficient, and to get 
rid of it a Republican Congress obliterated suffrage 
altogether there, amid the hearty amens of Re- 
publican property holders in Washington. There 


are three Senators now in Congress — Messrs. 
Edmunds and Morrill, of Vermont, and Mr. Sher- 
man, of Ohio — who twenty years ago assisted 
might and main to burden the South with negro 
suffrage. These three are among the foremost in 
advocating Southern fairness towards the negro. 
Indeed, Mr. Sherman is the author of a propo- 
sition in this direction which for stringency goes 
far ahead of anything previously suggested. Yet 
all three of these Senators, who are large property 
holders in Washington, voted to disestablish negro 
suffrage in Washington fifteen years ago, and 
not one of them would for one moment listen to 
any suggestion to revive it. 

The attitude of the Southern white towards the 
negro is, nevertheless, not exactly an unkind one. 
It is rather that of a magisterial guardian. With- 
in certain limits, the negro is no longer u kept 
down." Far from seeking to condemn him to 
ignorance and stagnation, the white man con- 
tributes, and contributes generously, to the 
negro's mental, physical, and moral advance- 
ment. He freely provides his ex-slave with 
facilities for education, with medical care in 
seasons of sickness, and with opportunities for 
religious instruction. Indeed, in these directions, 
he does for the black man a great many good 
deeds which the black man never dreams of 


trying to do for himself. But this is, I think, 
mainly because the white systematically regards 
the black as a child. And in this the white is 
certainly justified. No one who has associated 
much with the negro race can have failed to have 
remarked that in the natural time of childhood 
the negro is apparently as vivacious and as intelli- 
gent as the white. With the approach of puberty, 
however, the two races begin to betray marked 
intellectual divergence. The white steadily pro- 
gresses in intelligence ; the black stops short ; so 
that, a few years afterwards, the latter is by 
comparison dull, stupid, and indolent, though 
still frivolous, affectionate, good-natured, and 
mischievous. I speak, of course, of the average 
negro, and more especially of the full-blooded 
one. There are exceptions, but they are few. 
As a rule the grown negro, even if he have received 
a better education than the majority of his 
fellows, is in mind always a child. The unedu- 
cated grown negro is invariably of this charac- 
teristic nature; and he is often charmingly simple 
and devoid of evil. But, on the other hand, he is 
quite as often full of the worst vices and passions. 
Into this, however, I will not go at present, my 
immediate purpose being rather to show how the 
negro is treated by his white fellow-citizens than 
to indicate the effect that is being produced upon 


the South by the existence in it of an enormous, 
and in many localities an overwhelming, negro 

According to law, the American negro has at 
the polls exactly the same rights and privileges 
as the American white man. But the concession 
was made to the negro without the full and free 
consent of the Southern white, and in conse- 
quence the Southern white has always grudged 
it, and has very rarely allowed it to be fully 
exercised. There was a time, as I have en- 
deavoured to show, when the Southern white was 
prevented by force majeure from greatly interfer- 
ing with the negro's action at the ballot-boxes ; 
but since the days of Reconstruction the Southern 
white man has been supreme in his own States, 
and his will has ever been that the negro shall 
not be a significant factor in politics. At first 
the white enforced his will with the rifle and the 
revolver. In many places the negro could not 
approach the ballot-box without risking his life, 
and so he stayed away. There were " rifle 
clubs," and, in Texas and Virginia, there was 
the Ku-Klux Klan, an organisation of whites of 
good position who were determined, no matter how 
much blood it might cost, to make the coloured 
people " behave themselves." Then followed 
the less violent but not less reprehensible 


recourse to " tissue-ballots." " Let the negroes 
vote if they will," was the word; "we will 
stultify their action by fraud, which is safer 
than force." And so it happened that, as in 
South Carolina, although the negro majority 
trooped to the polls and voted Republican to a 
man, the returning officers found that, almost 
without exception, the men who were elected 
were Democrats. 

The infamous trick was easily managed. In 
America the voter is, in most places, required to 
register, and to produce his registration certificate 
upon recording his vote. He votes by depositing 
in the ballot-box a printed ticket, or ballot. This 
ticket simply bears the names of the favoured 
candidates for vacant offices, and, although it 
now has to be of certain prescribed dimensions and 
colour, its form used to be very much dependent 
upon the tastes and idiosyncrasies of the party 
leaders who supplied it to the electors. In the 
" tissue-ballot " days fraudulent party leaders 
caused it to be printed upon the very thinnest of 
tissue-paper, so that the thickness of, say, twenty- 
five tissue-tickets did not much exceed that of an 
ordinary piece of writing-paper. These tickets 
were entrusted to unscrupulous voters of the right 
political complexion. The ballots, before being 
deposited, had to be folded, but only lightly 


folded ; and thus, when an expert fraudulent voter 
folded his twenty-five tissue-tickets together and 
gave them a gentle flip as he dropped them into 
the box, the papers flew open and apart, and at 
once assumed a comparatively innocent appear- 
ance. Upon the close of the poll the ballots were 
counted and their number was compared with 
that of the registered electors who had voted at 
that booth. There was found to be a large 
excess of ballots ; whereupon all the papers were 
returned to the box, and an election manager, in 
accordance with precedent, undertook the duty of 
withdrawing sufficient ballots to make the re- 
mainder tally with the number of voters who had 
polled. If, as was generally the case, the man- 
ager was fraudulent, he took care to draw out 
only thick tickets. If, as may have sometimes 
happened, he was honest, he took the tickets as 
they came, thick and thin indifferently. But in 
either event the party that used " tissue-ballots " 
naturally gained an immense advantage. If the 
negroes — against whom almost exclusively this 
device was employed — suspected and protested, 
revolvers were exhibited by the other side. 

Such a revelation as this may appear in- 
credible to British readers, but it by no means 
exhausts the villainies of American politics as they 
are displayed at the polls, even at this day ; and 


Americans themselves seem to accept such things 
as matters of course. Mr. John James Ingalls, 
one of the United States Senators for Kansas, 
excited no great surprise or repulsion when he 
recently declared, " The purification of politics is 
an iridescent dream ; the Decalogue and the 
Grolden Rule have no place in a political cam- 
paign." Mr. Ingalls is a Republican. Repub- 
licans, however, it is but fair to say, are not 
monopolists of fraud. A normally respectable 
Southern newspaper, the Charleston News and 
Courier, during the last campaign, coolly gave to 
its readers the following conspicuously printed 
piece of advice : — " Go to the polls to-day. Vote 
early, vote often, vote straight." (November 4, 
1890.) And I am bound to admit that the 
counsel was acted upon. But of that anon. 

Concurrently with the use of " tissue-ballots," 
the practices of " counting in " and " counting 
out" were resorted to, or, in other words, false 
returns were made. Again, the registration cer- 
tificates of the ignorant and often careless 
coloured voters were frequently stolen or pur- 
chased for ridiculous sums by whites. The 
regular price used to be fifty cents, or a pint 
of whisky. 

Another favourite device was, and still is, 
deception. The majority of coloured voters 


cannot read, and since, at most American elections, 
there are several " tickets " to be voted for — as, 
for example, a State ticket, a county or municipal 
ticket, and a Federal ticket — there is generally 
plenty of opportunity for Sambo to go wrong. 
With the assistance of a learned friend, he selects 
such tickets as he may, in his political wisdom, 
desire to deposit. He also assures himself as to 
the relative positions of the various ballot-boxes 
in the booth. Then, with the State ticket 
between his forefinger and thumb, the county 
ticket between his forefinger and second finger, 
and the Federal ticket between his second and 
third fingers, and in the happy belief that the 
State box is on the extreme right, the county box 
in the middle, and the Federal box on the extreme 
left, he enters the booth to do his civic duty. In 
the meantime the managers inside have de- 
liberately changed the position of the boxes. 
They are legally bound to indicate each box if 
they be asked to do so ; but, even if they comply 
with the letter of the requirement, Sambo inevit- 
ably gets his papers confused, and ends by 
depositing them wrongly, and so spoils his vote. 
In practice, the managers, as often as not, either 
do not indicate the boxes or indicate them wrongly. 
They are all labelled, but when Sambo is illiterate 
the labels are meaningless to him, 


In a speech delivered on July 30th, 1888, 
Governor John P. Richardson, of South Carolina, 
openly and frankly defended this practice. Said 
he :— 

" The great problem which God has given us to solve is 
not yet solved. We have now the rule of a minority of four 
hundred thousand over a majority of six hundred thousand. 
No army at Austerlitz, Waterloo, or Gettysburg could ever be 
wielded like that mass of six hundred thousand people. The 
only thing which stands to-day between us and their rule 
is a flimsy statute — the eight-box law — which depends for its 
effectiveness upon the unity of the white people. " 

In a speech delivered a few days later Gover- 
nor Richardson again declared : — 

" But there is one thing more which the Democracy has to 
do, and that is to solve the problem of how a minority of four 
hundred thousand people shall rule for the advancement of the 
State and the people at large. There are to-day many people 
who think that the eight-box law could be disposed of, but I 
tell you that on it depends the salvation of the State. It 
amounts to an educational qualification for suffrage. None of 
us can forget the election trials which took place in this city, 
when a native South Carolinian was the prosecutor against his 
own people. But if he was the Cicero, we had yet the 
Demosthenes to meet him, and the gifted Youmans arose, and 
we saved our comrades by the skin of their teeth. Be careful, 
my friends, of the eight-box law. Some have said that we 
could control by simple Anglo-Saxon manhood, but this is 
only a beautiful theory, and would be dangerous in practice. 
I have an abiding faith in the onward progress of humanity, 


and I believe it is the eternal law of God that this land shall 
be controlled by the Anglo-Saxon race." 

The eight-box lata is the statute which provides 
a separate box for each ticket, township, county, 
State, Congressional, Electoral, &c. Every voter 
must approach these boxes alone, and no one, 
unless asked, is allowed to tell him where a par- 
ticular ticket belongs. If he cannot read he 
cannot, without assistance, distribute his tickets, 
and, by the law, all that are put into the wrong 
box are void. 

Senator Eustis, of Louisiana, at about the 
same time publicly asserted that the whites of 
Louisiana, in spite of the law, would rule by 
might, and as for the rest of the country it was 
none of Louisiana's business. 

The vulgar devices of making voters drunk 
and of temporarily restraining their personal 
liberty are not wholly neglected ; but these are 
troublesome methods, and the easier ones are 
found by experience to have all the hoped-for 
effect. Indeed, in many districts, the negro now 
seems to recognise that his vote, should he deposit 
it, will not be allowed to count, and he therefore 
stays at home. In other districts he votes still ; 
but the whole business is a sad farce. And of 
this I have some personal knowledge. 

On November 4th, 1890, I was present at a 


voting' place at Mount Pleasant in South Carolina. 
The whites were voting for Tillman, the Farmers' 
Alliance candidate, for Governor. A small dis- 
sentient body of whites and the whole body of 
negroes were voting for Haskell, the Democratic- 
Republican Coalition candidate. The district is a 
very black one, one of the blackest in the State, 
and its vote was much counted upon by the 
Haskell party. Overnight, therefore, the Till- 
manites tried, but in vain, to destroy the booth ; 
and on the day of the election they adopted a 
modification of the old " tissue-ballot " trick, 
using, however, ordinary instead of tissue-ballots. 
Two hundred and forty-four persons voted at this 
particular booth. When one of the boxes was 
opened it was found to contain a largely excessive 
number of ballots ; the exact number was, if I 
recollect rightly, 477. The surplus 233 papers 
were cast out by the managers, some of whom 
were shrewdly suspected of being parties to the 
conspiracy, and the result of the poll in that 
precinct was decided by the verdict of the 
remainder. Nor was this the only villainy that 
was perpetrated on that day in the neighbourhood. 
In an adjoining' precinct a Tillman champion 
named Graillard seized and destroyed the registra- 
tion books, thus rendering the polling impossible 
in default of duplicate bool^s. Ballot-boxes, too, 


are sometimes destroyed or made away with. 
Indeed, there is no conceivable scoundrelism 
that is not, or has not been, practised in the South 
to neutralise the negro vote. 

From what I have written it will be clear that 
the extension of the suffrage to the coloured race 
in the Southern States by no means ensures the 
representation of the black man. The situation is 
a very disgraceful one for the Southern whites ; 
but even the better class of Southern politicians 
with whom I have conversed upon the subject 
tacitly, if not expressly, defend, as with one voice, 
the iniquitous system. " We cannot/' they say, 
u be ruled by the negroes ; we must protect our- 
selves. It is very lamentable ; but what is the 
alternative? 5 ' 

It is hard to suggest a practicable one, for the 
fatal and irretrievable mistake of bestowing the 
suffrage upon every male citizen of full age has 
already been made. That mistake is recognised 
as such not only by the Democrats, not only by 
the whites. Senator Ingalls, whom I have already 
spoken of as a Republican, wrote in the North 
American Review, in April, 1886: — " Had the Re- 
publican party been courageous or intelligent 
enough to have attempted the reconstruction of 
the South through its brains rather than through 
its numbers, the most lamentable chapter in our 


history might have been unwritten." And Mr. 
A. M. E. Church, an intelligent coloured clergy- 
man of Vicksburg, wrote, in the same year: — u We 
will say .... that the mass of negroes 
would do themselves and their country more good 
if the ballot were out of their reach." 

Congress has it in its power to limit the suf- 
frage ; but at this time of day it will not exercise 
that power, which, by the way, ought never to 
have been taken out of the hands of individual 
States. The situation in Maine, where nearly all 
the people are white and educated, is not like the 
situation in Mississippi, where more than half the 
people are black and ignorant. But Congress for- 
got that fact, and Amendment XV. took from the 
States, practically for ever, a wholesome power, 
which, under sec. 2, Art. 1, of the original Con- 
stitution, they had up to that moment been at 
liberty to exercise. The repeal of Amendment 
XV., however, would not settle, and would, in 
my humble opinion, scarcely assist, the solution 
of the race question. The cause of difficulty lies 
far deeper ; and this, I think, will appear when I 
shall have considered the Southern negro in his 
social and general, as well as in his political, 
position, and when I shall have given some 
examples of the force of race prejudice in 


Throughout the South the social position of 
the man in whose veins negro blood courses is 
unalterably fixed at birth. The child may grow 
to be wise, to be wealthy, to be entrusted even with 
the responsibilities of office, but he always bears 
with him the visible marks of his origin, and those 
marks condemn him to remain for ever at the 
bottom of the social ladder. To incur this con- 
demnation he need not be by any means black. 
A quarter, an eighth, nay, a sixteenth of African 
blood, is sufficient to deprive him of all chances of 
social equality with the white man. For the 
being with the hated taint there is positively no 
social mercy. A white man may be ignorant, 
vicious, and poor. For him, in spite of all, the 
door is ever kept open. But the black, or 
coloured man, no matter what his personal merits 
may be, is ruthlessly shut out. The white abso- 
lutely declines to associate with him on equal 
terms. A line has been drawn; and he who, 
from either side, crosses that line has to pay the 
penalty. If it be the negro who dares to cross, 
cruelty and violence chase him promptly back 
again, or kill him for his temerity. If it be 
the white, ostracism is the recognised penalty. 
And it is not only the uneducated and the easily 
prejudiced who have drawn the line thus sharply. 
Speaking in 1858, Abraham Lincoln said: — 


" I am not, and never have been, in favour of bringing 
about, in any form, the social and political equality of the 
white and the black races. There is a physical difference 
which forbids them from living together on terms of social 
and political equality. And, inasmuch as they cannot so live, 
while they do remain together there must be a position of 
superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in 
favour of having the superior position assigned to the whites. " 

Mr. Froude, in u The English in the West 
Indies/' writes : — 

" One does not grudge the black man his property, his 
freedom, his opportunity of advancing himself; one would 
wish him as free and prosperous as the fates and his own 
exertions can make him, with more and more means of raising 
himself to the white man's level. But left to himself, and 
without the white man to lead him, he can never reach it. 
. , . We have a population to deal with the majority of 
whom are an inferior race. Inferior, I am obliged to call 
them, because as yet they have shown no capacity to rise 
above the condition of their ancestors, except under European 
laws, European education, and European authority to keep 
them from war upon one another. . . . Give them 
independence, amd in a few generations they will peel off such 
civilisation as they have as easily and as willingly as their 
coats and trousers." 

And, says Professor E. W. Gilliam, to whose 
writings on the subject I have already made some 
allusion : — 

"The blacks have been, and must continue to be, a 
distinct and alien race ; the fusion of races is the resultant 


from social equality and intermarriage, and the barrier to this 
is here insurmountable. The human species presents three 
grand varieties, marked off by colour — white, yellow, and 
black. One at the first, in origin and colour, the race 
multiplied and spread, and separate sections, settled in 
different latitudes, took on — under climatic conditions acting 
with abnormal force in that early and impressionable period of 
the race's age — took on, we say, different hues, which, as the 
race grew and hardened, crystallised into permanent character- 
istics. Social affinity exists among the families of these three 
groups. The groups themselves stand rigidly apart. The 
Irish, German, French, &c, who come to these shores readily 
intermarry among themselves and with the native population. 
Within a generation or two the sharpness of national feature 
disappears, and the issue is the American, whose mixed blood 
is the country's foremost hope. It cannot be — a fusion like 
this between blacks and whites. Account for it as we may, 
the antipathy is a palpable fact which no one fails to recognise 
• — an antipathy not less strong among the Northern than 
among the Southern whites. However the former may, on the 
score of matters political, profess themselves special friends to 
the blacks, the question of intermarriage and social equality, 
when brought to practical test, they will not touch with the 
end of the little finger. Whether it be that the blacks, 
because of their former condition of servitude, are regarded as 
a permanently degraded class ; whether it be that the whites, 
from their historic eminence, are possessed with a consciousness 
of superiority which spurns alliance — the fact that fusion is 
impossible no one in his senses can deny." 

Professor Gilliam wrote from a Southern 
standpoint, but, says Judge Albion W. Tourg^e: 
" Looking at the subject from a standpoint 


diametrically opposed in every respect both to the 
intellectual bias and to the political inclination 
of Professor Gilliam , we are compelled to endorse 
his views in this respect almost without the least 
modification." And in another page of his 
admirable and informing volume, " An Appeal to 
Caesar/' Mr. Tourgee remarks, u When the f reed- 
man began to establish his own home circle, to 
build for himself a household about his own hearth, 
however humble, the distance between the whites 
and blacks, though in fact very greatly diminished, 
seemed to have been as greatly increased." 

My own impression, as derived from some- 
what wide observation, is that, since the emancipa- 
tion, the distance has really as well as apparently 
increased, and that it is still increasing. Whites 
and blacks have less in common than of yore ; 
there is less chance than there ever was of their 
working together peacefully for good ; and racial 
antagonism, nourished by both sides, grows daily. 
There are many signs, too, of this growing an- 
tagonism. On the side of the negro there is a 
desire to be what the white man is, and to do 
what the white man does — to elevate himself to 
the same level of privileges, with or without the 
pre-requisite education and fitness for the eleva- 
tion. He argues blindly that the legal right 
confers the needful fitness. The law opens 


positions to him, and he is a voter. Why then 
should he not vote himself and his friends into 
the positions ? And education by no means tends 
to decrease the friction , seeing that the white 
man is as prejudiced against an educated negro 
as against an ignorant one. On the contrary, it 
adds to it. When the uneducated black thinks 
himself the equal of the white, the educated black 
cannot be expected to submit resignedly to be 
regarded as the white's inferior. Yet he is obliged 
to affect the resignation which he cannot feel. He 
must suppress his real sentiments, or he must risk 
physical maltreatment. 

His social position cannot be properly under- 
stood without the aid of illustrations. I will 
therefore give a few, which are taken at hazard 
from some hundreds of examples that I might cite. 

But, as an introduction to this branch of the 
subject, I must first quote a passage from Mr. 
George W. Cable's recent book, " The Silent 
South/' a volume which is inspired from begin- 
ning to end with love — perhaps unwise love — for 
the negro, and with a desire to do all that lies in 
the writer's power to abate the prevalent race 
friction. Mr. Cable asks : — 

"Are the freedman's liberties suffering any real abridg- 
ment 1 The answer is easy. The letter of the laws, with a 
few exceptions, recognises him as entitled to every right of an 


American citizen ; and to some it may seem unimportant that 
there is scarcely one public relation of life in the South 
where he is not arbitrarily and unlawfully compelled to hold 
toward the white man the attitude of an alien, a menial, and a 
probable reprobate, by reason of his race and colour. One of 
the marvels of future history will be that it was counted a 
small matter by a majority of our nation for six millions of 
people within it, made by its own decree a component part of 
it, to be subjected to a system of oppression so rank that 
nothing could make it seem small except the fact that they 
had already been ground under it for a century and a half. 
Examine it. It proffers to the freed man a certain security of 
life and property, and then holds the respect of the community, 
that dearest of earthly boons, beyond his attainment. It gives 
him certain guarantees against thieves and robbers, and then 
holds him under the unearned contumely of the mass of good 
men and women. It acknowledges in constitutions and statutes 
his title to an American's freedom and aspirations, and then in 
daily practice heaps upon him in every public place the most 
odious distinctions, without giving ear to the humblest plea 
concerning mental or moral character. It spurns his ambition, 
tramples upon his languishing self-respect, and indignantly 
refuses to let him either buy with money, or earn by any 
excellence of inner life or outward behaviour, the most 
momentary immunity from these public indignities even for 
his wife and daughters." 

In America it is a matter of notoriety that 
there is no exaggeration here, nor is the race 
feeling confined solely to the South. To the 
British reader the following cases in point 
will, I believe, prove that there is no exag- 
geration : — 


" Supposing the Courts of our Southern States, while 
changing no laws requiring the impanelling of jurymen 
without distinction as to race, &c, should suddenly begin 
to draw their thousands of jurymen all black, and well-nigh 
everyone of them counting not only himself, but all his 
race, better than any white man. Assuming that their 
average of intelligence and morals should be not below 
that of jurymen as now drawn, would a white man, for all 
that, choose to be tried in one of those Courts'? Would 
he suspect nothing'? Could one persuade him that his 
chances of even justice were all they should be, or all they 
would be, were the Court not evading the law in order to 
sustain an outrageous distinction against him because of the 
accident of his birth *? Yet, only read white man for black 
man, and black man for white man, and that — I speak as an 
eye-witness — has been the practice for years, and is still so to- 
day ; an actual emasculation, in the case of six million people, 
both as plaintiff and defendant, of the right of trial by jury." — 
Mr. G. W. Cable. 

" The negro children of the city are usually the aggressors 
when trouble occurs between them and white children. Both 
colours are too ready for a row, but coloured parents are too 
ready to teach their youngsters that white people are their 
natural enemies. We daily see negro boys trying all their 
ingenuity to get a fight out of the white boys when the latter 
try to avoid a row, and this is peculiarly true when there are 
two or three young negroes to one white. Negro girls are apt 
to be extremely insolent, not only to whites of their own age, 
but to ladies. In the matter of collisions between school-boys, 
that may best be left to the police. The negro girls who push 
white women and girls off the walks can be cured of that 
practice by the use of a horsewhip ; and we advise white 
fathers and husbands to use the whip. It's a great corrective," 
<— -Chattanooga Times. 


This advocacy of the summary horsewhipping 
of girls is very significant of the brutal attitude 
of the Southern white towards the negro. 

" Between two and three o'clock an excursion train, com- 
posed entirely of coloured people, arrived at Gouldsboro depot 
from Baton Rouge. A large number of coloured men and 
women were near the depot waiting for the train, which was 
due at eleven o'clock. As the train neared the depot, one of 
the excursionists attempted to get off and fell to the ground. 
Some unknown person made a personal remark, when the 
negro drew a pistol and fired four or five shots in rapid 
succession, one of which struck^ white man named William 
Miller, brother of one of the Gretna police, in the nose and 
lodged itself in the back of his neck. Then the shooting 
became general, some four or nVe hundred shots being fired in 
less than fifteen minutes. The stories of the blacks and 
whites as to the origin of the trouble differ widely. The 
negroes say that a large body of armed white men were 
awaiting the train's arrival, and that about ten minutes after it 
stopped they opened fire on the negroes who were going to 
the street car. The whites say that only half a dozen white 
men were concerned in the affair, and that the negroes, before 
the train came to a halt, fired two shots at a white boy named 
Burmester. Billy Miller was then shot by one of the white 
men, and then the fight became general." — Associated Press 
Telegram from New Orleans, September 1st, 1889. 

" It is impossible for the negro to get any justice at the 
hands of Southern magistrates or juries. A man who resides 
in Augusta, Ga. — a Democrat and a hater of the negro — admits 
that the whites' maltreatment of the blacks must one day recoil 
upon their own heads. ' Why,' said he to me to-day, ' you 
can't convict a white man of the murder of a negro, nor even 


of a white friend of the negro. Just before I left home a 
negro was found one morning in the street, with his body 
riddled with bullets. I was pretty certain that his death was 
due to a certain gang of roughs, whose leader is under obliga- 
tion to me for keeping him out of the penitentiary. Meeting 
him I said, "Pat, who killed that nigger ? " "Oh, some of the 
boys," said Pat, with a grin. " What did they do it for 1 " I 
asked. " Oh, because he was a nigger," said Pat. " And," he 
continued, " he was the best nigger in town. Why, he would 
even take off his hat to me." ' I thought he must be a good 
negro, indeed, who would take off his hat to that creature, and 
I walked away pondering upon what must be the outcome of it 
all. It is my opinion that several of the Southern States will 
have to be abandoned to the negroes if we would avoid terrible 
consequences from the wrongs we are heaping on them." 
— Washington correspondence of the Pittsburg Dispatch, 
January 11th, 1890. 

" They had an election down in Jackson, Miss., yesterday, 
and it was of the usual kind. The regular press reports, with 
charming frankness, state that everything was progressing 
quietly so long as the negroes stayed away from the polls ; but 
should the black men attempt to exercise the right of suffrage 
there would be trouble." — Philadelphia Evening Telegram, 
January 7th, 1890. 

A negro named William Black stole some trifling articles 
from the house of a white man, one Jim Bennett, near Robins, 
South Carolina. Bennett followed and caught the negro, and, 
assisted by Dave Ready, Henry Sweat, and John Walker, tied 
the prisoner to a tree. Ready then placed a gun to the negro's 
temple and blew out the man's brains. Bennett, Walker, and 
Sweat were arrested as accessories in the first degree, but were 
discharged by Justice Dunbar. Ready apparently escaped. — 
Summarised from a Barnwell letter of January 11th, 1890, in 
the Charleston Budget, 


Two boys — Williams, a negro, and Robertson, a white — 
were playing together near Waynesboro with a gun, which, 
being accidentally discharged, killed Robertson. The negro boy 
was arrested, but was taken from custody by a mob of white 
men, who tied him up and shot him to death. — Summarised 
from a despatch from Augusta, Georgia, dated October 24th, 
1890, to the Charleston News and Courier. 

" A Tennessee white man was hanged on Tuesday for the 
brutal murder of his wife. The despatches tell us that he 
objected to going on the gallows with three coloured men who 
were to be hanged at the same time, and that the authorities so 
far respected his prejudices as to swing off the negroes first." — 
New York Star, January 7th, 1890. 

" Some years ago a great revival was going on in one of the 
churches of my own city. The evangelist was fervidly inviting 
all kinds of people to come to the ' anxious seat.' Crowds of 
men, women, and children were accepting the invitation. 
Tramps, drunkards, and beggars were among the number. At 
last it was announced to the church officials that a negro upon 
one of the back seats was ' under conviction/ Here was a 
problem of serious import. The officials held a hurried and 
anxious consultation, and it was finally decided that the negro 
might receive the benefit of salvation in an inconspicuous pew. 
This case might fairly be termed exceptional if it were not true 
that one of the largest and most influential denominations in 
the land, having been split in half by the question of slavery, 
remains in that condition to-day solely on the question of 
colour caste." — Rev. John Snyder, in the Forum, October, 
1889. (The denomination alluded to is the American Presby- 
terian Church.) 

" While the Republican whoopers at the North are bursting 
with indignation at the fact that the negroes on Southern rail- 
roads are provided with separate cars from those occupied by 
the whites, they have not a word of protest against the fact 


that a daughter of a Southern negro ex- Governor was ' frozen ' 
out of the ball-room of the Grand Union Hotel at Saratoga a 
few nights ago. The gathering in the ball-room was not of 
persons specially invited, but was made up, as such watering- 
place balls usually are, of the guests stopping in the hotel. 
The young lady in question is beautiful and accomplished, and 
above all moral reproach, and so slightly tinted with negro 
blood that she would have passed muster among whites almost 
anywhere in the matter of colour. In spite, however, of all 
the facts in her favour, the single circumstance of race created, 
in a crowded assemblage in a Northern State, a sentiment that 
immediately culminated in outward expressions which at once 
convinced the unfortunate lady that she was an object of most 
unfriendly observation on the part of the people gathered 
there." — New Orleans Picayune, August 30th, 1889. 

" The report comes from South Carolina that a coloured 
man, unarmed and defenceless, fell into an altercation with a 
white man of that State named Gallman. Gallman slit the 
coloured man's throat from ear to ear, and drove to a 
neighbour's house, where he procured a shot-gun, and emptied 
the contents of one barrel into the wounded man. At a late 
hour that night Mr. Gailman's friends, hearing that the victim 
had not died, although he was at death's door, rode to where 
he lay, and carried him to the nearest churchyard, where they 
riddled his body with bullets." — Boston Advertiser, June 2nd, 

"A reporter of the New York World on Saturday 
disguised himself as a wealthy negro from Cuba, and went 
around to the various first-class hotels to secure accommo- 
dation for himself. That must have been a busy day with 
the hotel people, for the clerks smilingly told him that every 
room was engaged. Seeing that it would be impossible to 
secure a room, he then tried to get something to eat. At most 
of the restaurants the waiters would pay no attention to his 


orders, and the cashiers with one accord assured him that the 
proprietor was out and would not return until late. At the 
Hoffman House Cafe he was given food, but was not served at 
the bar. At Delmonico's he was assured that they had 
nothing to eat. So it seems that the prejudice against the 
negro is not confined entirely to the South." — New York 
World, June, 1888. 

Last year Mr. Douglass, a mulatto, was appointed United 
States Minister to Hayti, and was taken thither on board an 
American man-of-war, the Kearsage. Another ship, the 
Ossipee, was first ordered to convey him. It is alleged that her 
commander, being unwilling to carry and associate with a 
coloured man, urged as an excuse that his vessel was not fit for 
sea. The officers of the Kearsage refused to dine with the 
Minister. " The army officers are in a state of glee over it, 
and so are the Navy officers on duty here. All unite in 
saying that if any of the Kearsage officers dine with Douglass 
on the way to Hayti they will find themselves tabooed by 
their brother officers thereafter." — Summarised from the 
Washington correspondence of the St. Louis Republic, October, 

" We simply hate, as American citizens, to be told by our 
equals de jure ' Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther.' The 
blackest hands can cook the food for prejudiced throats ; the 
blackest, dirtiest arms can hold the whitest, cleanest baby ; 
the blackest, most illiterate man can sit on the same seat, even 
with a lady, as a driver ; but the angry passions rise when a 
well-dressed, educated, refined negro pays his own fare and 
seats himself quietly in a public conveyance." — Orangeburg 
Plain Speaker, a negro newspaper, December 4th, 1889. 

"Two coloured men, respectable in appearance and well 
educated, the one principal of, and the other a teacher in, a 
public school of the city, entered a restaurant in Cincinnati 
the other day. They seated themselves at a table, but no 


waiter went near them, and when they finally asked to be 
served they were thrown out into the street. The sole trouble 
was the fact that they were coloured." — New York Evening 
Post, December 31st, 1889. 

" Social equality of whites and blacks is unheard of here, 
even in ' black ' Republican circles. The whites don't want it 
and the blacks won't have it. Any white person who 
advocates it here is quietly ignored as an irredeemable crank, 
and the South can afford to keep cool and follow Northern 
example regarding this deadest of dead issues." — New York 
Herald, November, 1889. 

" Wednesday will be long remembered in Georgia as the 
day on which an unparalleled number of violent crimes were 
committed. At Jessop a bloody riot occurred ; at Augusta 
there was a conflict approaching the dimensions of a riot, 
accompanied by bloodshed. At Dainesville a very worthy 
coloured man was, it appears, cruelly murdered ; at Toombsboro 
another negro was killed ; and at Greeneville a shooting affair 
occurred. . . . The quarrel was in every instance between 
men of different colour." — Macon Telegraph, December 28th, 

" A few days ago a negro minister of this city boarded the 
east-bound passenger train on the E.T.V. and G. Hailway, and 
took a seat in the coach occupied by white passengers. Some 
of the passengers complained to the conductor and brakemen, 
and expressed considerable dissatisfaction that they were 
forced to ride alongside of a negro. The railway officials 
informed the complainants that they were not authorised to 
force the coloured passenger into the coach set apart for the 
negroes, and they would lay themselves liable should they do 
so. The white passengers then took the matter in their own 
hands, and ordered the ebony-hued minister to take a seat in 
the next coach. He positively refused to obey orders, where- 
upon the white men gave him a sound flogging and forced him 
H 2 


to a seat among his own colour and equals. We learned 
yesterday that the vanquished preacher was unable to fill his 
pulpit on account of the severe chastisement inflicted upon 
him." — Selma (Alabama) Times, quoted by Mr. G. W. Cable. 

" There is terrible excitement here over the co-education of 
the races. The Alton Board of Education has provided 
separate schools for coloured children, but the negroes want 
their children to attend the schools set apart for the whites. 
They had threatened and threatened to force their way into 
the schools and put their children alongside the whites, and 
flatly refused to permit their children to attend the school - 
houses set apart for the negro children. These threats, how- 
ever, until to-day, were looked upon as idle and meaningless. 
This morning the negroes took action in the matter. Scores 
of adult negroes, accompanied by half a hundred black children, 
went to the high school and demanded admission. Super- 
intendent Powell is a mild-mannered man, and offered no 
obstructions. The black children walked in and took posses- 
sion of all the desks they found unoccupied. The white 
pupils protested, and began to pick up their books and make 
preparations to leave. Some of the coloured boys grinned at 
the white girls, and as soon as the negro men left the building 
the white pupils assaulted the blacks. There was a hard fight 
for fifteen minutes, during which books, inkstands, rulers, 
slates and hair filled the air. The whites finally drove the 
blacks out of the room and chased them out of the yard, and 
continued to fight in the street. The white girls urged their 
champions on with encouraging shouts, and brought them 
munitions of war when possible." — General Press Telegram 
from Alton, Illinois, January 11th, 1890. 

"At Decatur, 111., Wood Bros., purveyors of candles and 
ice-cream, had no ice-cream to sell to the Rev. Edward Wilson. 
He was a negro. He now arrests the purveyors by virtue of 
the Civil Bights Law, and ' the case will be hotly contested. 5 

THE EX-SLAVE A 8 HE 18. 101 

Of course it will. And the jury will discharge the confec- 
tioners. The black man will get no ice-cream. The people of 
Decatur love the negro in the South, not in the North. The 
Civil Eights Bill was prepared for the South, where a coloured 
man can get all the ice-cream he may pay for. To apply Re- 
construction to the North — is not that oppressive ? The same 
Northerner who will endure arrest before he will sell ice-cream 
to a black man will tell you confidently that the determination 
of the Southerners to prevent black home rule is the vilest 
conspiracy of modern times. " — Chicago Herald, September 6th, 

" One hot night in September. ... I was travelling 
by rail in the State of Alabama. At rather late bedtime there 
came aboard the train a young mother and her little daughter 
of three or four years. They were neatly and tastefully 
dressed in cool, fresh muslins, and as the train went on its way 
they sat together very still and quiet. At the next station 
there came aboard a most melancholy and revolting company. 
In filthy rags, with vile odours, and the clanking of shackles 
and chains, nine penitentiary convicts chained to one chain, 
and ten more chained to another, dragged laboriously into 
the compartment of the car where in one corner sat this 
mother and child, and packed it full, and the train moved 
on. The keeper of the convicts told me he should take 
them in that car 200 miles that night. They were going to 
the mines. My seat was not in that car, and I stayed in 
it but a moment. It stank insufferably. I returned to my 
own place in the coach behind, where there was, and had 
all the time been, plenty of room. But the mother and 
child sat on in silence in that foul hole, the conductor hav- 
ing distinctly refused them admission elsewhere because they 
were of African blood, and not because the mother was, but 
because she was not, engaged at the moment in menial service. 
Had the child been white, and the mother not its natural but 


its hired guardian, she could have sat anywhere in the train." 
—Mr. G. W. Cable. 

" During a day's stay in Atlanta lately, the present 
writer saw many things greatly to admire. . . . He feels 
constrained to ask whether it must be that in the principal 
depot of such a city the hopeless excommunication of every 
person of African tincture from the civil rewards of gentility 
must be advertised by three signs at the entrances of three 
separate rooms, one for ' Ladies,' one for ' Gentlemen,' and 
the third a ' Coloured Waiting-room 1 ' Visiting the principal 
library of the city, he was eagerly assured, in response to 
inquiry, that no person of colour would be allowed to draw out 
books."— Mr. G. W. Cable. 

" Postmaster Lewis and Colonel A. E. Buck were hung in 
effigy in front of the Court-house to-night, in the presence of 
probably 10,000 persons. This action was the result of Lewis 
appointing a negro to a place in the Registry Department, 
where he would come in contact with a white lady clerk." — 
Letter from Atlanta, Georgia, of August 8th, 1889, to Charles- 
ton News and Courier. 

"The Rev. J. Francis Robinson, a Baptist preacher of 
good character, has been visiting in the City of Auburn, New 
York. The day after his arrival he wished to get shaved, and 
went to a barber-shop, but was refused attention. He went 
in succession to several other barber- shops, but received the 
same treatment at each. The Rev. F. D. Penny, pastor of 
the Second Baptist Church in Auburn, accompanied the Rev. 
Mr. Robinson to a number of shops, and offered the proprietors 
a dollar to shave his friend, but his co-operation was of no use. 
The trouble was that the Rev. Mr. Robinson had a black skin, 
and, as one of the barbers said, ' I refused to shave him 
because it is against the rules of the trade to shave a coloured 
man.' " — New York Evening Post, August 6th, 1889. 

" Deacon J. H. Brown, of the First African Baptist 


Church, of this city, had quite an unpleasant experience at 
Baxley yesterday. He is on his way, along with other 
coloured deacons and clergymen, to a convention of the church 
at Indianapolis. Six of them entered the white people's 
coach, filled largely with ladies, and, despite the repeated 
protests of the passengers, would not vacate their seats. One 
passenger wired to Baxley over the signature of ' Passenger,' 
asking for help to put the negroes out, and stating that he 
would make himself known when the train arrived. When 
Baxley was reached a crowd of men boarded the train and 
requested the negroes to leave. They refused. This did not 
change their purpose, and force was then used. In the fight 
that ensued two men were cut, but not very seriously. The 
train pulled out quickly to prevent further disturbance, and a 
physician at Lumber City was telegraphed for to meet the 
wounded men there. He refused, but subsequently one was 
secured and the men cared for. Brown was hurt about the 
head and face from blows inflicted by a club." — Savannah 
(Georgia) Times, September 10th, 1889. 

" The colour line question has nearly caused a split in the 
Independent Baptists' Union. An organisation composed of 
Baptist ministers of Virginia, West Virginia, and Maryland 
is in session here. The Rev. H. A. Braxton, a coloured 
member, objected to the use of the word ' coloured ' in a 
report referring to work among his race. This objection fired 
the Southern sentiment of some of the white brethren, and a 
sharp discussion ensued. Preacher Braxton declared that he 
was opposed to ecclesiastical bossism, and wanted the colour 
line buried. Dr. A. C. Dickinson, editor of the Religious 
Herald, of Richmond, asked : c Do you want us to treat you 
every way as if you were not coloured 1 ' The Rev. Mr. Braxton 
replied : ' Yes, we want to be treated as men, and we want 
no special favours.' The Rev. A. C. Dickinson said : ' Do 
you want us to bury the colour line ? If so, where is it to be 


buried — on the white side or on the black ] The colour is 
there. God put it there. Leaving out the. word " coloured" 
won't help it. Now, what are you going to do about it ? Do 
you intend to give up your convention and your churches and 
join ours, or do you want us to give up ours and join yours T 
Rev. Dr. J. W. M. Williams, one of the most prominent 
Baptists in the South, said : ' If you (the coloured people) 
don't intend to stop talking on this question, then, in the name 
of the Lord, go by yourselves and talk all day on the question 
of colour. If the coloured people see they can do their work 
better alone, let them go and work by themselves.' " — General 
Press Telegram from Baltimore, Maryland, October 18th, 1889. 

" A delegation of citizens waited on Governor Gordon 
to-day, and asked him to take action concerning the whipping 
of a number of negroes by unknown white men at East Point, 
near Atlanta. The affair occurred late last night. It was 
the outgrowth of the lynching of a negro boy on Wednesday 
night for the usual crime. The negroes had a mass meeting, 
and the citizens, becoming alarmed, sent for police from Atlanta. 
The presence of the officers prevented further trouble, but 
after they had gone a number of white men went to different 
cabins and whipped the negroes, fourteen in all." — Atlanta 
despatch of September 6, 1889, to Charleston News and 

A man named L. P. Smith was employed as a detective. 
He arrested one Jackson, a negro, mistaking him for a 
murderer who was " wanted." Finding out his error, but 
desiring to secure the reward, he offered to release Jackson if 
the latter would submit to have one of his ears cut off, that 
ear bearing a mark similar to one on the ear of the sought-for 
murderer. Jackson agreed. Smith, uneasy as to what he 
had done, then shot Jackson, who, however, lived long enough 
to make a statement. — Summarised from a Birmingham 
(Alabama) despatch of September, 1889. 


The mutilated bodies of Rosmond Cormier, coloured, 
and his daughter Rosalie were found in a cabin on the 
Abbeville Road, near Lafayette, Louisiana. Cormier, who 
was sixty, had been previously whipped and ordered by a 
band of " Regulators " to leave the district, but had not 
complied. The " Regulators " returned, demanded admittance 
to the cabin, were refused, and were fired at in self-defence by 
Cormier. They then shot him and cut his daughter's throat 
from ear to ear. On the same night they very severely 
whipped two other negroes. — Summarised from a New 
Orleans despatch of September 11th, 1889, to the Charleston 
JVews and Courier. 

" In Fulton County, Georgia, a black boy of eighteen 
years was taken from gaol and hanged for ' assaulting ? a 
white girl, the assault consisting of catching the child by the 
arms and running away when she and her companion screamed. 
Then a pack of white ruffians, heavily armed, went from one 
cabin to another in an alleged search for a criminal, and 
barbarously whipped and maltreated inoffensive negroes, who 
were powerless to defend themselves against shot-guns and 
revolvers presented at their heads/' — Greenville News, Sep- 
tember 10th, 1889. 

" There are symptoms of a race war in Missouri, at 
Dexter. . . . The people in that section have for years 
excluded all negroes from among them. A short time ago 
a man named Williams settled on a farm there, and engaged 
a dozen negroes to work for him. Fifty armed white men 
waited upon him this week, and told him he must get rid of 
the negroes. He said they might kill him first. The armed 
men returned to town, where they are circulating a paper 
pledging the signers to stand by the ' Regulators/" — Charleston 
News and Courier, September 14th, 1889. 

" Robert Battey, a negro juror, was refused admission to 
the dining-room at the Augusta Hotel yesterday. He was 


the only coloured man on the jury, which was empanelled to 
try a criminal case in the City Court, and when the hour of 
dinner arrived the case was of such importance that Judge 
Eve ordered the jury to be kept together. . . . Upon 
arriving at the hotel Mr. B. S. Doolittle, the proprietor, who 
is, by the way, a Northern man, refused Battey, the coloured 
juror, admission to his dining-room, where a number of ladies 
and gentlemen were seated at dinner. Mr. Doolittle offered 
to furnish the coloured juror with his meal in another room, 
but Battey would not consent to be isolated in that manner, 
and before he would go into the private room he went home, 
where he enjoyed his usual meal in custody of an officer. 
This attempted intrusion of a negro into the dining-hall of an 
hotel called forth considerable comment, and Mr. Doolittle 
was upheld in his refusal to serve Battey with dinner at the 
same table with white people." — Augusta (Georgia) despatch 
of October 4th, 1889, to Charleston News and Courier. 

I have, perhaps, cited sufficient examples of 
white intolerance and tyranny. These character- 
istics are, it will have been observed, not exclus- 
ively confined to the South. I should add that, in 
several States, what is known as miscegenation, 
or, to be plain, marriage between a white and a 
black or coloured person, is illegal. 

After reading what I have written and quoted, 
can any one fail to ask himself these questions ? 
Is there any doubt that there is a race problem of 
infinite difficulty and danger awaiting, nay crying 
for, solution in America ? Is it not true that 
there is practically one law for the black and 


another for the white in the South ? Is it likely 
that the negro's civil rights will ever be respected 
by the Southern whites ? Can civilisation admit 
the claim of the South to be permitted to settle 
the race question in its own way ? Is it not the 
duty of the United States to deal with the ques- 
tion? Is the position of the Southern black likely 
to become more tolerable or less, under the existing 
system ? I might insist much more than I have 
done upon the negro's unfortunate situation. I 
might picture him, in all detail, as he is in the 
school, in the church, and even in the graveyard 
— a being kept remorselessly apart from his white 
fellows. But I am anxious not to be one-sided, 
and not to allow my natural sympathy for the 
black man's wrongs to render me blind to the fact 
that the white man, too, has wrongs great and in- 
tolerable. What these wrongs are I shall attempt 
to show when I deal with the position of the 
Southern white. In the meanwhile I will con- 
clude my present division of the subject with a 
few notes on the sanitary, moral, educational, and 
material position of the Southern negro of to-day. 
As to his sanitary position I have, I regret 
to say, no very modern statistics at my dis- 
posal. The latest that convey a fairly broad 
view of the situation apply to the years 1883 
and 1885; but there is no doubt that things 


have yery little changed since then. The death- 
rate, among children under five years old, per 
1,000 of the whole population, for the year 
1883 was — in Charleston, white 5*88, coloured 
21 # 3; in Memphis, white 3*75, coloured 13-91; 
in Nashville, white 5*65, coloured 12*44; and in 
Savannah, white 7*59, coloured 18*01. The rate 
in 1885 was — in Charleston, white 4'45, coloured 
14*38; in Memphis, white 4'67, coloured 1346; 
in Nashville, white 4*37, coloured 10*78; and in 
Savannah, white 4*23, coloured 13*70. Squalid 
dwellings, in filthy neighbourhoods, impure air, 
dirty water, neglect of personal cleanliness, im- 
morality, extensive meat consumption without 
vegetable diet to match, and gregarious and 
generally unsavoury habits, induce a black mort- 
ality which, at least in the large centres, is enor- 
mous, and is particularly noticeable under the 
heads of consumption, pneumonia, and scrofula. 

Bearing upon this point, a paragraph from the 
New York Tribune, of August 20th, 1889, deserves 
quotation : — 

"As the result of extended observations, including 
thousands of cases, thirty- six per cent, being negroes and 
mulattoes, Dr. L. McLane Tiffany, of Baltimore, finds some 
marked differences in the diseases of whites and blacks. Thus, 
spinal caries is more frequently located in the dorsal region 
of the negro, and a cured case of Pott's disease in the middle- 


aged negro is very rare ; dislocations are more frequent in the 
white, as is also lateral curvature of the spine ; keloid is 
characteristically more frequent in the negro, likewise lipoma. 
Although Dr. Tiffany has never seen an epithelioma of the lip or 
any part of the face in a negro, osteo-sarcoma is often met 
with in the race. In hospital cases, the negro bears operations 
better, as a rule, than the white, but their reaction after 
accidents is not so good as that of the latter. Dr. Tiffany 
concludes that surgical affections pursue different courses in 
the white and coloured races under identical hygienic 
surroundings ; that surgical diseases involving the lymphatic 
system, especially tubercular, are more fatal in negroes than in 
whites ; that congenital deformities are more rare in negroes 
than in whites ; and that surgical differences observed between 
negroes and whites are due to racial peculiarities." 

Yet the excess of mortality among' the coloured 
people, large though it be, is more than counter- 
balanced by their superior fecundity. This is 
very remarkable, seeing that in many cities where 
the whites outnumber the blacks as two to one, 
the death-rate among the latter positively exceeds 
that among the former. In Charleston, for ex- 
ample, the death-rate in 1884 was for the whites 
1 in 42, and for the coloured 1 in 22 ; and in 
1883, for the whites 1 in 46, and for the coloured 1 
in 21. This is rendered the more striking by the 
fact that the poorer coloured people in Charleston 
are supplied with medicines and medical atten- 
tion at the expense of the city. In 1884 no fewer 
than 17,950 coloured patients were treated in the 


city hospital and in the different health districts, 
as against only about one-third of that number of 
white patients. In 1886 the Charleston death- 
rate was, per 1,000, for whites 20*65 and for 
coloured 49-01. In 1887, out of 41,000 whites in 
Atlanta, Georgia, 608 died, while out of 22,000 
coloured people 707 died. Again, in the week 
ending March 9, 1889, the estimated population 
of New Orleans was — whites, 184,500; coloured, 
69,500 ; and the death-rate per 1,000 was — whites, 
14-13; coloured, 30*03. And the story is much 
the same everywhere. The negroes die like flies, 
and increase only because they also breed like 

Their moral condition, as shown by criminal 
statistics and by the testimony of competent ob- 
servers, is equally unsatisfactory. Says the Rev. 
Dr. Tucker, formerly of Jackson, Mississippi : — 

" In all the country districts the removal of the restraints of 
slavery, such as they were, has resulted in an open abandon- 
ment of every semblance of morality and the loss almost of the 
idea of marriage. Why, in one county of Mississippi, there 
were during twelve months 300 marriage licences taken out in 
the county clerk's office for white people. According to the 
proportion of population, there should have been in the same 
time 1,200 or more for negroes. There can be no legal 
marriage of any sort in Mississippi without a licence. There 
were actually taken out by coloured people just three ! . . 
Soon after the war the Legislature passed an Act legalising the 


union of all who were then living together, marrying them 
whether they wished or not ; and for years afterwards the 
courts were crowded with applications for divorce from 
coloured people, which mostly had to be granted, since there 
was ample cause for divorce under either the Divine or the 
statute law. I know of whole neighbourhoods, including 
hundreds of negro families, where there is not one single 
legally married couple, or couple not married, who stay 
faithful to each other beyond a few months, or a few years at 
most; often but a few weeks. And if out of every 500 negro 
families one excepts a few dozen who are legally married, this 
statement will hold true for millions of coloured people. And 
these things I tell you to-night are but hints. I cannot, I 
dare not, tell the full truth before a mixed audience." 

These words were originally spoken before 
the Episcopal Congress at Richmond, Virginia, in 
1882; they were subsequently published in a 
pamphlet, and I am generally assured, and im- 
plicitly believe, that they were true then and are 
true now. Even the negroes themselves dare not 
deny them. One negro preacher published a 
pamphlet, in which he admitted that — 

"This speech reveals humiliating facts, so truthful, yet 
hard to acknowledge. Not one of our social circles, if we can 
be said to have any, is clean morally. They are full of base, 
downright hypocrisy and falsehood, and full two-thirds of the 
whole are members of the churches. Moral character is not 
the standard. Crimes that should cause a blush on fair cheeks 
assume a front of brass, and defy you to speak of or talk 
about them. ... A coloured man, only a few days ago, 


contended with me that the negroes were right in certain of 
their practices, because the Lord Jesus himself said that 
- Seven women should lay hold of one man.' " 

Such was the confession of the Rev. Isaac 
Williams, with whom four other negro preachers 
fully concurred, adding — 

" Our acquaintance extends over seven to ten thousand 
coloured people, concerning whose lives we know the truth, 
and that truth is set forth in Dr. Tucker's speech without 
exaggeration. There are exceptions, but the general truth 
is stated exactly as it is. We agree also that he has only 
given hints as regards many things of such a nature that only 
hints are possible." 

On this repulsive subject I also have said 
enough. Nor will I say much concerning the 
degrading superstitions and superstitious practices 
of the great mass of ignorant blacks. Two years 
ago the Herald, a respectable paper in Boston, 
published an article five and a half columns long, 
the object of which was to demonstrate that 
Voodooism existed to an alarming extent among 
the coloured people of Boston and New England 
generally. Here are a couple of extracts: — 

" No people are so prone by nature and force of circum- 
stances to superstition as the blacks. Devout and easily 
excited, they are apt to accept, blindly and without reasoning, 
the traditions of their fathers; and even among those of 
reasonable education there are traces of the idolatrous creeds 
and customs which have always characterised the West India 


Negroes. Voodooism, of which much has been hinted, a little 
written, but almost nothing known — one of the blackest, 
crudest, and most heathenish forms of idolatry the world has 
ever seen — exists to-day to an alarming extent right here in 
Puritan New England." 

" Perhaps the fact that the negroes have always regarded 
themselves as a wronged people impels them to cultivate a 
revengeful spirit ; and the prevailing object of their so-called 
spells is in the direction of working harm to their enemies. 
They pay more attention to vengeance than to the cure of 
diseases, although claiming wonderful power from their herbs 
and decoctions. The prevailing sentiment, if it may be so 
termed, of Voodooism, aside from idolatry, is revenge, and in 
their hatreds these people are implacable. No punishment is 
too horrible to be visited upon their enemies.' 7 

Most white Bostonians believed that the article 
was full of exaggerations, but, to the general 
surprise, the negroes practically admitted the im- 

Here is part of a resolution which was passed 
in July, 1889, by the Coloured National League 
sitting at Boston : — 

" Whereas the Boston Herald has lately shown that the 
degrading superstition of Yoodooism, as well as its practice, 
exists here in Boston to some extent among a few illiterate and 
ignorant persons of our race; and whereas the sentiment 
among the better class of coloured people is that no one should 
be swifter to condemn any kind of foolish race superstition or 
disreputable practice than the coloured people themselves ; and 
whereas it should everywhere be the aim and desire of the 
coloured people to welcome any information that may show the 


need of greater race enlightenment, or that shall stir us up to 
more earnest efforts for the general elevation of our people \ 
be it resolved that the League places itself on record as being 
both anxious and willing to strike hands with the Herald, or 
any one else, in condemning, discountenancing, and stamping out 
Yoodooism or any other ' ism ' hurtful to the physical, moral, 
or spiritual elevation of the coloured people ; and that the League 
calls upon good coloured people everywhere to set their face like 
a flint against every kind of evil superstition, habit, practice, 
custom, or belief, whose tendency, if encouraged, might be to de- 
grade, belittle, or harm the coloured people in public estimation." 

I may add that, not perhaps at Boston, but 
certainly in the South, and especially in Louis- 
iana, Voodooism exists to-day. I pass on to 
criminal statistics as they concern the negro. 

I will first take some suggestive statistics con- 
cerning the State of Mississippi, one of the 
"blackest" States in the Union, the population, 
according to the Census of 1880, having been 
—white, 479,398; coloured, 650,291. In the 
State Penitentiary on December 1, 1885, there 
were 103 white and 676 coloured males. Of 
the coloured people 113 were mulattoes, and 
the total number of coloured criminals in 
Mississippi in 1885 would be still further aug- 
mented if the number of judicial and irregular 
executions could be ascertained. As it is, it is 
clear that an unduly large proportion of crimin- 
ality is furnished by the negro and negroid 



population. Mr. H. S. Fulkerson, who has written 
an interesting pamphlet on " The Negro" (Vicks- 
burg, Mississippi, 1887), was induced by these 
startling figures to go further into the subject, and 
to examine the gaol register of Vicksburg, Missis- 
sippi, from March 1st, 1886, to February 28th, 
1887. He found the commitments for the year to 
have been 446, as many as 426 of the prisoners 
being coloured, and only 20 white. The population 
of Vicksburg in 1880 was — whites 5,975 ; coloured, 
5,836. He also examined, for the same period, 
the register of Vicksburg Workhouse, an institu- 
tion in which violators of the city ordinances, &c, 
are confined. Of 1,416 persons committed 992 
were coloured and 424 w^hite. In 1889, in Charles- 
ton, 2,202 coloured persons were arrested, as 
against only 1,250 whites. Most of the arrests dur- 
ing the year were made for the following offences : 



Disorderly conduct 


Drunk and disorderly 






And here, to put the matter in a nutshell, are the 
relative proportions, as gathered from the United 
States Census of Prisoners, of black to white 
criminality in half a dozen States : — Massachu- 


setts, 2 1 to 1 ; Indiana, 6~ to 1 ; Illinois, 2*4 to 
1 ; Tennessee, 5 to 1 ; South Carolina, 6f to 1 ; 
and Georgia, 7*8 to 1. Thus in Tennessee the 
coloured man is five times as prone to crimin- 
ality as the white, and in Georgia nearly eight 
times. And it must be borne in mind that these 
figures deal only with that portion of the total 
criminality which finds its way into prison. 
They do not, and no official figures can, take 
into account the criminality which is sum- 
marily punished by the operation of lynch law ; 
and every one who knows the South knows also 
that, out of every fifty persons who are lynched 
there, at least forty-nine are of coloured complexion. 
Of lynching, however, I shall speak later, for it is 
mainly reserved as a punishment for one particular 
crime, the prevalence of which has a most important 
bearing upon the position of the Southern white. 
Educationally, the coloured man has un- 
doubtedly made great progress since his emanci- 
pation. In the slavery days ignorance was im- 
posed by law upon the slave. Says the South 
Carolinian statute of 1834 : — " If any person shall 
hereafter teach any slave to read or write, or 
procure any slave to be taught to read or write, 
such person, if a free white person, shall be fined 
not exceeding one hundred dollars for each 
offence and imprisonment not less than six 



months ; or, if a free person of colour, shall be 
whipped not exceeding fifty lashes and fined not 
exceeding fifty dollars ; and, if a slave, shall be 
whipped at the discretion of the Court not exceed- 
ing fifty lashes ; the informer to be entitled to 
one half the fine and to be a competent witness." 
And up to the day of emancipation the slave was, 
with scarcely an exception, kept in the densest 
ignorance. From the close of the war to the 
taking of the tenth census only fifteen years 
elapsed. In that period the adult negro had not 
greatly advanced, but the negro youth had made 
an amount of progress which, though by no means 
startling, was, I think, distinctly encouraging. 
The following table shows (l)the illiteracy of the 
male adult negro, and (2) the illiteracy of the whole 
negro population of the Black Belt in 1880 : — 









Male Adults. 

Male Adults. 







North Carolina 





South Carolina 



































Thus, while the proportion of male adults 
who could read and write was, roughly speaking, 
only one in four, the proportion of coloured 
people of all ages was one in two. I have been 
informed at Washington that the eleventh census 
is likely to show that in these States seven coloured 
people out of every ten have escaped the imputa- 
tion of illiteracy ; but at the same time I have 
been warned that " writing" necessarily implies 
nothing more than ability to laboriously trace a 
signature, and that " reading" does not involve 
the ability to mark, learn, and inwardly digest 
anything more abstruse than a sentence in mono- 
syllables. As Judge Tourgee has said : — 

"One of the encouraging phases of the present situation is 
the fact that a coloured man is proud of the distinction of 
being able to read and write. It is to him a sort of patent of 
nobility. It shows to the world that he has gone above the 
level, that he has come up above the mass of his fellows, and 
is worthy of distinction and consideration in this respect if in 
no other. Because of these facts the statistics of illiteracy 
among the coloured people are peculiarly unreliable." 

We may accept them as such, and yet regard 
them as encouraging. The level of education is 
rising. It has not risen high, and the number of 
negroes who possess such an education as is the 
property of a senior boy at a London Board 
School may probably, even now, not mount to 


six figures. But there is promise in the fact that 
the race supplies for its own improvement over 
16,000 school teachers. An educated negro has 
supplied some statistics on the subject of coloured 
education in the South :— • 

" In 1887-88," lie writes, " there were 15,000 public schools, 
having 1,118,556 pupils; 16 normal schools, 119 teachers and 
3,924 pupils, with property valued at $992,350 ; 31 schools for 
secondary instruction, 247 teachers, with 6,555 students, and 
projoerty valued at $843,100 ; 11 colleges of arts and sciences, 
79 teachers, 922 students, and property valued at $1,443,000 ; 
two schools of science, 29 teachers, 840 students, and property 
valued at $50,000; 16 theological schools, 77 teachers, 833 
students, and $489,500 in property ; 4 law schools, 16 teachers, 
81 students, and $40,000 in property ; 3 schools of medicine, 
48 teachers, 165 students, and $80,000 in property; while 
there were 2,081 pupils in schools for the blind and dumb, 
making a total of 16,430 teachers, 1/139,904 pupils, and 
$3,934,950 in school property." 

Unfortunately there are no symptoms whatever 
that the spread of education among the negroes 
is causing, or ever will cause, the diminution of 
white prejudice against the race. 

Concerning the material position of the negroes 
opinions vary greatly. There is no doubt, how- 
ever, that they are gradually acquiring property, 
and, in a few cases, accumulating capital. It 
was recently declared that coloured people owned 
a million acres of land in Texas alone, paying 


taxes there on twenty million dollars' worth of 
property, and there were in the State twenty-five 
coloured lawyers, one hundred coloured merchants, 
five thousand coloured mechanics, and fifteen 
newspapers conducted by coloured people. Some- 
what similar statements have been made, by 
negro speakers and writers chiefly, concerning 
the progress of the race elsewhere. Says one 
journal : — 

" Georgia's coloured people are making a good record for 
thrift and industry. In 1879 their property was valued at 
$5,182,398 ; but in 1887 the valuation was $8,939,479, 
showing a gain of 72^ per cent, during the nine years. In the 
same time the valuation of white men's property had risen 
from $229,777,150 to $332,565,442, a gain of only 44-6 per 
cent, approximately. These figures simply prove what the 
intelligent representatives of the negro race have said about 
the progress made, and go to illustrate anew that the negroes 
are working out their own future. The richest coloured 
woman in the South, Mrs. Amanda Ewas, who has a snug 
fortune of $400,000, lives in Atlanta." 

On the other hand, the Charleston News and 
Courier points out that in Charleston the negroes 
stand just where they did in 1860 ; that the value 
of the property held by them to-day is just about 
the same as that held by the free negroes twenty- 
eight years ago, and that, strange to say, the 
coloured property-holders are of the same class 



as in I860, namely, the descendants of negroes 
who were free before the war. 

I have had an opportunity of examining the 
assessment rolls of Chatham County, in which 
the city of Savannah, Georgia, is situated. 
These, as compiled in the summer of 1889, give 
the following results : — 



per Head. 

Whites . . 





The negroes and coloured people, therefore, who 
constitute 61 per cent, of the local population, 
hold only 2 per cent, of the local wealth. 

On the same subject the New Orleans Times - 
Democrat says : — 

" We doubt whether the value of property held by 
coloured men in New Orleans is any greater to-day than that 
held by the freedmen of colour in 1860, and yet both in New 
Orleans and throughout Louisiana the negro has been 
improving his condition steadily. It take3 more than one 
generation, however, to raise a race held in bonds of slavery to 
the condition of property-holders. When the hundreds of 
millions of dollars that have been paid the negroes in wages 
and the millions wasted by them in the veriest trash are 
considered, it seems strange that so few dollars have been 
invested in land, houses, or any permanent property. The 
freedmen of colour who inherited land or houses have held on 


to them, or at least to a portion of them. The negroes 
engaged in any very profitable trade or business may have laid 
aside something and own some little property, but the great 
majority of the race, who are simply farm hands, labourers, or 
domestic servants, have acquired no permanent property of 
any kind." 

As a further illustration of the relative status 
of blacks and whites in what may be regarded 
as a representative section of the Black Belt, I 
append some interesting and detailed official 
statistics of Richmond County, Georgia, a county 
which had a total population in 1870 of 25,724, 
and in 1880 of 34,665, and which is one of the 
most populous and well-to-do counties in the 
State. In it, moreover, the races are almost 
equally divided. 

Polls for 1889— White 5,069, coloured 4,029; total 
9,098. Polls for 1888— White 4,923, coloured 3,844; total 
8,767 — an increase of 331. 

Lawyers in 1889 — White 50, coloured 1 ; total 51. 
Lawyers in 1888 — White 48, coloured 1 ; total 49 — an increase 
of 2." 

Doctors in 1889— White 53, coloured 1. In 1888— White 
46, coloured 2 — an increase of 6. 

Dentists in 1889 — White 11, coloured 1; and the same 
for 1888. 

Acres of land owned in 1889 — White 180,332, coloured 
4,943; total 185,275. Acres in 1888— White 180,835^, 
coloured 4,661 ; total 185,496^ — a decrease of 221^ acres. 

Aggregate valueoflandin 1889 — Whitefl, 571, 550, coloured 


$64,440; total $1,638,990. In 1888— White $1,619,720, 
coloured $66,810 ; total $1,686,530— a decrease of $47,540. 

Aggregate value of city or town property in 1889 — White 
$9,713,140, coloured $438,940 ; total $10,152,080. In 1888— 
white $9,364,150, coloured $416,620; total $9,980,770— an 
increase of $371,310. 

The number of shares in State or national banks is the 
same for 1888 and 1889, and is 20,300, and they are all owned 
by the whites. 

The value of shares of such bank stock for 1889 is returned 
at $887,000, and for 1888 was returned at $1,002,000, showing 
a decrease of $115,000. 

Property owned by gas or electric light companies is all 
owned by whites, and is valued in 1889 at $203,840, and for 

1888 was returned at $215,250, showing a decrease of 

Amount of money and solvent debts, notes, accounts, etc., 
for 1889— whites $1,358,890, coloured $150 ; total $1,359,040. 
In 1888— whites $1,491,630, coloured $150 ; total $1,491,780 
—a decrease of $132,740. 

Merchandise of every sort for 1889 — whites $1,260,550, 
coloured $5,730; total $1,266,280. In 1888— whites 
$1,278,290, coloured $5,680 ; total $1,283,970— a decrease of 

The capital invested in shipping and tonnage is all white, 
and for 1889 is $16,200. In 1888 it was $27,620— a decrease 
of $11,420. 

Stocks and bonds are all white, and for 1889 are returned 
at $1,209,120, and for 1888 at $1,400,630, showing a decrease 
of $191,510. 

Cotton manufactories are all white, and are returned for 

1889 at $4,023,300, against $3,946,000 for 1888— an increase 
of $77,300. 

Iron works, foundries, etc., are all white, and are returned 


for 1889 at $33,500, against $35,500, showing a decrease of 

Value of household and kitchen furniture, pianos, organs, 
etc., for 1889— White $570,690, coloured $17,990; total 
$588,680. In 1888— White $550,300, coloured $14,490; 
total $564,790— an increase of $23,890. 

Watches, silver plate, and jewellery for 1880 — White 
$74,020, coloured $50; total $74,070. In 1888— White 
$77,950, coloured $50 ; total $78,000— a decrease of $3,930. 

Horses, mules, hogs, sheep, cattle, etc., for 1889 — White 
$200,140, coloured $12,820; total $212,960. In 1888— 
White $199,430, coloured $13,580 ; total $2 13, 01 6— a decrease 
of $50. 

Plantation and mechanical tools, law or other library 
books, pictures, etc., are all returned by whites, and for 1889 
are $63,100, against $71,650 for 1888, showing a decrease of 

Cotton, corn, crops, and provisions held for sale on April 
1st are all white, and are returned for $350 in 1889 and 
$2,000 in 1888, showing a decrease of $1,650. 

Value of all other property not before enumerated for 
1889— White $405,170, coloured $4,440 ; total $409,610. In 
1888— White $343,430, coloured $3,960; total $357,390— an 
increase of $52,220. 

Aggregate value of whole property in 1889 — White 
$21,590,560, coloured $547,560 ; total $22,138,120. In 1888 
—White $21,635,550, coloured $521,340; total $22,156,890 
— an aggregated decrease of $18,770. 

In view of facts like these, it is hard to know 
what to make of the favourite negro declaration 
that the coloured people will, in the not distant 
future, be as powerful in the South in the matter 


of wealth as they already are in the matter of 
numbers. I believe, nevertheless, that it may 
be accepted that the material improvement in 
the coloured man's condition is more noticeable 
than his improvement in any other direction. 
He lives more comfortably and dresses better 
than he did eight or ten years ago ; and, as his 
main ambitions are physical and material rather 
than intellectual and aesthetic, he is entitled to 
congratulate himself. 

The general progress of the negro does not, 
however, satisfy those who once cherished the 
highest hopes on his behalf. Here is a suggestive, 
and, as I happen to know, a true paragraph, 
dated Atlanta, Georgia, June 1, 1889, which I 
clip from a Southern newspaper: — 

" A celebrated English philanthropist was buried here 
yesterday, having died at the residence of his daughter, Mrs. 
Booth. John Glazebrook was his name, and he was a citizen 
of Manchester, England. He was a man of great wealth, and 
becoming interested in the abolition of slavery in the United 
States, spent thousands of pounds in aiding the agitation. He 
paid the expenses of lecturers, had runaway slaves exhibited 
before English audiences, and placed his fortune in the scales 
to accomplish the abolition of human servitude. A few 
months ago he decided to visit this country for the purpose 
of seeing whether the negro had improved. He died with the 
declaration that he had wasted his money, and that freedom 
had brought no benefit to the negro, " 



In the Southern States, and especially in the 
States which constitute the Black Belt, the Race 
Question has in recent years assumed far more 
serious proportions than is generally supposed. 
It has, in fact, assumed the proportions of a 
species of guerilla race war. Few people, even 
in America, thoroughly realise this. The leading 
newspapers of the country pay surprisingly little 
attention to occurrences outside the district in 
which they find the majority of their readers. 
There is, so far as I am aware, no neutral journal 
which busies itself exclusively with the problem, 
and, consequently, Americans and foreigners alike 
are without any mirror in which they may 
periodically see reflected all the aspects and all 
the incidents of the situation. To keep up with 
the history of the Race Question the student 
must read, not the great newspapers of New 
York, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, or New 


Orleans, but rather the little county newspapers 
of the South — newspapers the very names of 
which are scarcely known in the North and 
wholly unknown in Europe. And even these 
rural newspapers must be read with discretion 
and discrimination, for all of them are partisans. 
Some make a point of dwelling at length upon 
accounts of outrages committed by negroes, and 
of almost ignoring accounts of outrages com- 
mitted by whites ; others — they are, it is true, in 
the minority — follow the opposite plan. A few 
only are fair ; a few only would care to print so 
free a confession as the following, which I take 
from the Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle, of Jan. 
5th, 1890 :— 

" Laws are powerless either to prevent the commission of 
crime or to punish criminals, unless public sentiment forbids the 
one and commands the other. Where there is little regard for 
human life, and we fear this is the case in many portions of our 
country, the courts are often to blame for not hanging those 
who s]ay their fellow-men. Is it not a fact that it is almost 
impossible to convict a man of the crime of murder who has 
any social position or means to defend himself ? Fortunately, 
crimes of this sort do not often occur ; but, if they did, public 
sentiment is so demoralised that the courts would fail of con- 
viction. This is true as to white men who kill their equals. 
If a negro kills a white man, he is pretty sure either to be 
lynched or hung. But if a white man slays a negro, he is in 
no danger of being lynched, and as to his being hung for the 
crime there is not much probability. " 


To understand, therefore, both sides of the 
question, and to fully appreciate the seriousness 
of the situation, one must be a far more 
omnivorous devourer of newspapers than the 
ordinary citizen of Great Britain or of America 
has time to be. I have had exceptional oppor- 
tunities. While I was in the country I met the 
leading men of both sides, and had thrust upon 
me the newspapers, big and little, of both parties. 
Nay, many people who for years have made a 
study of the subject were so good as to place 
their notes and their volumes of illustrative news- 
paper clippings at my disposal. Thus I may 
pretend to have secured the broadest and most 
far-reaching view of the difficulties amid which 
the South stands ; and I cannot hide from myself 
the conclusion that, as between the races, the 
situation throughout the Black Belt is veritably, 
as I have said, one of active though unprofessed 
guerilla warfare. In the last chapter I gave a 
number of examples, selected almost at hazard 
from a far larger number which I might have 
cited, of the manner in which this warfare is 
being waged by the whites against the blacks. 
In this I shall give examples, similarly selected to 
a great extent, of the manner in which this warfare 
is being waged by the blacks against the whites. 
I have, I think, amply demonstrated the existence 


of hostility on the white side. What I shall 
quote now may, in the opinion of many, provide 
good excuse for the existence of that hostility ; 
but I would submit that it also proves the 
inherent and unconquerable mutual antipathy of 
the races and their hopeless unsuitability for life 
side by side and upon a level of approximate 
equality. The antipathy is not between indi- 
vidual blacks and whites. It is rather such an 
antipathy as used to exist between Turks and 
Slavs in the Balkan .provinces in the days of the 
Bulgarian atrocities, although that antipathy was 
religious as well as racial and political. 

And here let me say at once, deliberately and 
without hesitation, that if the racial crimes and 
outrages which are of daily occurrence in the 
Southern States were taking place in a semi- 
civilised part of Europe, and were only half as 
well advertised as the events in Bulgaria were, 
the public sentiment of Europe would at once 
insist upon, and would within six months secure, 
reform, even at the cost of war. Such a situation 
as sullies the South is a disgrace to the fair name 
of Anglo-Saxon civilisation. It is not for me to 
attempt to apportion the blame. Doubtless there 
are grave faults on both sides. As an un- 
prejudiced observer, I can merely declare gener- 
ally that the condition of affairs is not only a 


scandal so far as the United States are concerned, 
but also a matter of which all civilised humanity 
has cause to be ashamed. 

It was my good fortune in the course of my 
tour to meet, and to confer very intimately with, 
the anonymous author of the most remarkable 
book that has yet appeared upon the Race Ques- 
tion. I mean "An Appeal to Pharaoh," a 
volume published in the winter of 1889 in New 
York by Messrs. Fords, Howard, and Hulbert. 
To this volume I must make further allusion 
when I come to consider the difficult, but in- 
evitable, problem — what is to be done ? At 
present I mention it incidentally for the reason 
that I am anxious to repeat here something that 
its writer said to me, and for the reason that all 
who have read the work will, I am sure, extend 
due deference to any opinion expressed by so 
competent and unbiassed an authority. My friend 
knows the South as few know it, and he has for 
the negro a genuine and kindly regard ; yet, said 
he, "if the option were offered me of taking my 
wife and family into one of the black country 
districts of the South, or into a jungle full of 
wild beasts, and if I were obliged to leave 
them without proper protection, I would un- 
hesitatingly choose the jungle." I did not ask 
why. I knew that it was because no white woman 


is safe, from hour to hour, in those black country 
districts. It was because the race war on the 
black man's side is waged largely, though not ex- 
clusively, against the whites who are least 
capable of self-protection, and whose safety is 
held most precious by those to whom they are 
near and dear. I am bound to produce evidence 
concerning this awful phase of the struggle ; and, 
unfortunately, there is evidence in plenty ready 
to my hand. " Lynched for the usual crime" is 
a stereotyped heading in many scores of Southern 
newspapers. Nor, as a rule, is the brutality of 
the negro's act much less conspicuous than the 
speed and cruelty with which the victim is 
avenged. On both sides it is a terrible and 
almost unparalleled state of affairs. I will re- 
strict myself to the recital at length of one case 
only : — 

"Louisville, Kentucky, September 2nd, 1889. — The Courier 
Journal has a special from Somerset, Kentucky, which states 
that news has reached there of a brutal outrage committed 
upon the twelve-year-old daughter of William Oates, a promi- 
nent and wealthy farmer residing a few miles from Montecello. 
Mr. Oates has two daughters, aged respectively twelve and 
fourteen years. Mr. and Mrs. Oates left home on business, 
and left the two young girls in charge of the house. Mr. 
Oates had in his employ a negro boy about grown. Knowing 
that the old folks were away, he entered the house, and, after 
locking the door upon the two girls, assaulted the younger. 


The elder girl escaped from the room, and, going to a neigh- 
bour's house, gave the alarm. A posse was organised and 
started in pursuit. The negro was caught in the woods and 
tied to a stake. A rail pen was then built around him, coal 
oil was poured over him and upon the rails, matches were 
applied, and the negro was burnt to death." 

Similar outrages are, practically, of every-day 
occurrence. All of them do not get into the news- 
papers. Many families, unwilling to publish their 
disgrace and misfortune, bear their trouble in 
silence. Many of the criminals, too, are never 
caught : but here is proof of the commonness of 
such crimes as the above. All the cases alluded 
to took place during 1890, and, as will be seen, 
within a very short period, and all were chronicled 
in the newspapers. 

On October 30th, near Valdosta, Lowndes 
County, Georgia, a negro, named Lowe, assaulted 
a Miss Hardee. He was arrested, but taken from 
the officers the same night by a mob of whites, 
tied to a tree, and shot to death. 

On November 1st, eight miles from Columbia, 
South Carolina, and a mile and a-half from the 
Winnsboro Road, a negro attempted to assault 
and then murdered Miss Florence Hornsby, aged 
sixteen. A youth named Hagood was arrested 
for the crime. Six years before, this youth's 
father had been lynched near Woodward's store, 


at Rockton, for assaulting a lady of Fairfield 

On November 3rd, in Twigg's County, Georgia, 
a Miss Howell, aged seventeen, was assaulted by 
a negro named Owen Jones, who, having been 
caught and having confessed, was hung by citizens 
on a tree on the road from Hawkinsville to Allen- 
town, fifty shots being then fired into his body. 

On November 6th, Mrs. J. G. Bailey, of Arling- 
ton, Tennessee, was killed by a negro, who 
escaped, pursued by a posse of citizens intent 
upon lynching him. 

On the night of November 8th, at Annapolis, 
Maryland, threats were made to lynch a coloured 
man named Forbes, who was in custody there for 
having assaulted a white girl. Revolvers were 
freely drawn, and a serious riot between whites 
and blacks was only prevented by the calling out 
of the Governor's Guards. 

On November 17th, a negro named Henry 
Smith, who a few days before had assaulted one 
Mrs. Calhoun, was lynched near Chin's Trestle, 
Alabama. Another negro was lynched near Hill- 
man, Alabama, on the same day. 

Early in the morning of November 18th, a 
negro named William Singleton was lynched at 
Macon, Georgia, for an attempted assault upon 
the daughter of the late Chief Justice Lumpkin. 


Singleton was hanged, and two volleys of pistol 
shots were fired into the body. 

I might, if the topic were not so repulsive, 
cite hundreds of other examples. What I have 
written is, I imagine, quite sufficient to show that 
the situation of white women in many parts of the 
South is a very perilous one. Nor is this all. 
Throughout the South, and even elsewhere, the 
negro is as ready to kill the white man as the 
white man is to kill him. I have mentioned in 
the last chapter a number of cases in which, speak- 
ing generally, the whites were to blame. Here 
are some cases, all of recent occurrence, in most of 
which the initiative seems to have come, directly 
or indirectly, from the blacks, although the 
savagery displayed was often about equal on both 
sides : — 

On October 18th, 1890, at Winston, North 
Carolina, a white gentleman named Silas Kiggs 
was attacked in the street by a mob of negroes. 
He took refuge in a bar-room. The negroes fol- 
lowed and " dared "him to come out. A few 
whites who were in the room sallied forth, a fight 
ensued, Mr. Kiggs was killed, and several other 
people were badly wounded. 

On October 21st-22nd, 1890, in Ware County, 
Georgia, a dispute concerning land arose. Thomas 
Seers, one of the disputants, shot a negro. The 


negroes retaliated, killing B. E. M'Lendon, 
F. Seers, and T. Seers, and wounding another 
white. The despatch announcing this to the 
Charleston World says: — "Much of the territory 
is covered with dense pine forests, the working of 
which for turpentine employs large numbers of 
both white and black. These are very illiterate, 
and there is much race prejudice, which fre- 
quently leads to conflicts." 

"Opelika, Alabama, October 26th, 1890. — 
Bob Redding, the notorious negro desperado, who 
has been sought for ten years, was shot and killed 
at three o'clock this morning by Policeman 

On October 27th, 1890, at the Jing-a-Ling 
Saloon, North College Street, Nashville, Ten- 
nessee, a coloured man named Lee asked the bar- 
tender for a tin of oysters, and was refused. He 
left, but returned with a stone, which he at- 
tempted to throw. Before he could do so the 
white, whose name was William Young, shot him 

On November 1st, 1890, at Greenville, South 
Carolina, a negro named Sam Swinger struck 
with an axe a white man named P. M. Connelly, 
who died a few days afterwards from his injuries. 

On November 4th, 1890, near Lexington, 
Georgia, at a negro "hot supper," a negro, 


named Willis Collins, quarrelled with a white, 
named Wheless, who shot him with a pistol. 

On November 4th, 1890, election day, at 
Irwine, Estill County, Kentucky, a white, named 
Dr. P. A. Lilly, brought up to the polls a negro, 
named Charles White. John Wilson, Commis- 
sioner of Schools for the county, challenged 
White's right to vote. Upon this Lilly and 
Wilson quarrelled and drew their pistols. Wilson 
was hit twice, but was still able to fire twice, one 
of his bullets striking Lilly near the heart. Then 
William, a brother of John Wilson, intervened, 
and took away Lilly's pistol. Lilly, however, 
drew a large knife and thrice stabbed John. A 
brother of Dr. Lilly also intervened, but John 
Wilson, lying in his blood, fired at and fatally 
wounded him, and, dragging himself across to 
where Dr. Lilly lay, dashed out Lilly's brains 
with his pistol. Several bystanders were slightly 
wounded ; the two Lillys and John Wilson died. 

On November 8th, 1890, at Fairmount, near 
Marion, Indiana, on the occasion of a Democratic 
fete, a negro named Tom Uttley interfered 
in the proceedings. A white named W. H. 
Campbell defied him, and both drew their pistols 
and fired simultaneously. Each had fired two 
harmless shots, when a white named Con Paul 
flung a brick at the negro, who turned and shot 


him dead. Another negro, named Rayser, came 
to the assistance of Uttley, and was shot through 
the left leg and right arm. Uttley fled, but was 
captured. In the melee, besides Paul and Rayser, 
four men were seriously wounded. 

It cannot, I think, be necessary to say much 
more in order to prove the existence in the United 
States of race prejudice of a very dangerous and 
inflammable sort. The Southern white may be 
as well off, as regards the negro, as he deserves 
to be ; but, nevertheless, his position and the 
position of his womankind are not enviable ; and 
it tends to — nay, a large body of the negroes 
intend that it shall — become worse. Here is 
what appeared in August, 1889, in a newspaper 
called the Independent, which was published in 
Selma, Alabama, under the editorship of a negro 
preacher, named Bryan : — 

" Were you (the whites) to leave this Southland, in twenty 
years it would be one of the grandest sections of the globe. 
We would show you mossback-crackers how to run a country. 
You would never see convicts, half- starved, depriving honest 
working-men of an honest living. It is only a matter of time 
when throughout this whole State affairs will be changed, and, 
I hope, to your sorrow. We were never destined to be always 
servants, but, like all other races, will and must have our day. 
You now have yours. You have had your revolutionary and 
civil wars, and we here predict that at no very distant day we 
will have our war, and we hope, as God intends, that we will 


be strong enough to wipe you out of existence, or hardly leave 
enough of you to tell the story." 

And yet the armchair theorists of the North 
say: — "All is well; the race question in the 
South may now safely be left to settle itself." 
It will never settle itself, unless by wholesale 

One must have lived in the South to appreciate 
the ever-widening gap that exists between the 
races. One must have lived in the South to 
appreciate the strength of the passions that lie 
half slumbering there, but are always ready to 
awake. Here, by way of partial illustration, is a 
summary of a speech which was made in Sep- 
tember, 1889, in the Georgia Senate by Senator 
Gibbs, in favour of the repeal of the law prohibit- 
ing emigration agents from working in the State, 
his idea being to facilitate coloured emigration. 
Senator Gibbs claimed that the State would not 
be ruined by the loss of a race of people who, 
in their emancipated condition, were unfit for 
labourers. The free negro, he said, was worth- 
less as a labourer. Emancipated, he became 
useless and lapsed into barbarous Voodooism. 
He quoted figures to sustain the position that 
freedom had destroyed the negroes' usefulness. 
Notwithstanding the great increase of blacks since 
the war, production had in Georgia suffered a 


loss of nearly one-half. This, to him, denoted 
the great demoralisation which had overtaken 
negro labour, and accounted for the enormous 
class of vagabond negroes whose presence in the 
State was a " continual menace to property, to 
peace, and to virtue." It was highly necessary, 
he maintained, to get rid of this dangerous 
criminal element. The lives of Southern women 
were actually circumscribed and bound in, for 
fear of assault at the hands of these scoundrels. 
Unless something should be done to relieve the 
strain which owed its existence to the presence of 
these wretches, the time would come, before long, 
when the white people would rise as one man 
and demand emigration or extermination. " It 
has only been a short time since," said he, " that 
one of the villains having suffered as he deserved 
at East Point, the negroes formed a plot to burn 
that town and kill the citizens. Nothing was 
said about that ; but as soon as the whites rose to 
defend themselves, and castigated some of the 
plotters, the cry of ' Outrage ! ' was heard from 
one end of the land to the other. ' Outrage on 
innocent negroes/ to discourage them in their 
lawlessness ! I care not what course the courts 
may take ; when the white men strike for home 
and fireside I am with them. There is not room 
in this country for both the negro and the 


Yankee. Vast sums have been expended to edu- 
cate negroes, who have never done and will never 
do the State the least good. On the contrary, 
they are always ready, at the call of the carpet- 
bagger and his base Southern ally, to do her all 
the harm in their power." 

These extracts give no notion of the violo ice 
of the speaker's language, but only of the tone 
of his speech, which admirably represented the 
blind intolerance of that section of Southern 
whites that refuses to see any good whatever in 
the negro, and that seems not even to recognise 
his humanity. 

The very carelessness of the negroes on the 
subject of the white man's most cherished creeds 
and principles has more than once gone near to 
provoke a dreadful outbreak. The article already 
cited from the Selma Independent narrowly 
escaped doing so, although it contained only 
vulgar threats. More dangerous was an article 
that was printed in August, 1887, in another 
negro paper, the Montgomery Herald. " Every 
day or so," it said brutally, " we read of the 
lynching of some negro for outraging some white 
woman. Why is it that white women attract 
negro men more than in former days ? There 
was a time when such a thing was unheard of. 
There is a secret to this thing, and we greatly 


suspect it is the growing appreciation of the 
white Juliet for the coloured Romeo as he 
becomes more and more intelligent and refined. 
If something is not done to break up these lynch- 
ings it will be so that after a while they will 
lynch every coloured man that looks at a white 
woman with a twinkle in his eye." 

The writer of that article, like many of his 
race, did not, one may charitably hope, realise 
the attitude of the Southern white women towards 
the negroes. If he did realise it, and if he knew 
that no Southern white for an instant admits the 
social equality of the races, he was guilty of 
something very much like playing with gun- 
powder. Surely the prevailing sentiment of the 
whites on the subject of social equality is suffi- 
ciently indicated by the existence in many States 
of laws forbidding mixed marriages, and by the 
existence in all of unwritten laws which oust the 
white makers of mixed unions from society, even 
of the humblest and least conventional character. 
The white man is blamable enough, but not the 
white woman. There was much truth in a speech 
of Dr. Fulton's on the subject of " The Negro's 
Redemption," which I once listened to, although, 
I think, he ought not to have mentioned black 
women in his remarks. The chief sinners — if 
sinners they can be called in such connection — 


are the coloured, as distinct from the pure negro, 
women of the South. Dr. Fulton declared that 
the social relations of the whites and blacks in 
the South were on the same level to-day as when 
slavery existed; even men high in religious 
circles ran no risk of ostracisation when it became 
known they were the fathers of children by 
coloured concubines. 

And while the armchair theorist of the North 
is easy in his mind with regard to the race 
question, concerning which he knows practically 
nothing, the Southern white man, who ought to 
know all the dangers of the situation, is, I am 
obliged to admit, strangely indifferent to them. 
His idea seems to be, " There are dangers in the 
future ; but the present situation will probably 
last as long as I live, and so I have no need to 
greatly worry myself about it. I do not fear the 
negro ; I do not believe in his power of organisa- 
tion ; and if he were to rise we could crush him 
into resignation." He seems to be unmindful of 
the fact that the existence of the Black Belt in 
the South paralyses his material progress and 
fetters his whole action as a citizen. Capital 
does not go Southward in search of an invest- 
ment, or, if it go, it goes seldom, and it goes 
with hesitation. It has no confidence in a country 
which may any day fall again under the rule of 


a black majority, and may then drift back into 
the anarchy of the Reconstruction period. And, 
although the white man does not personally fear 
the negro, he so much fears him corporately that 
all his political principles and leanings have 
vanished in face of the one great question, Shall 
the white rule or the black ? 

The Southern whites form to-day one political 
party. Their point of union is not the tariff, not 
civil service reform, not the pension system, but 
simply and solely the one question. The penalty 
is that now for years past one party has been 
continuously in power throughout the Solid South, 
and that it has had practically no opposition. 
This is an unwholesome state of public affairs ; 
it would be undesirable anywhere. In America 
it is particularly dangerous, for it tends to cor- 
rupt. The Southern State Governments are, it 
must be admitted, better and purer than, in the 
circumstances, might be reasonably expected ; 
but every intelligent Southerner sees and feels 
the bad influence. 

The South, however, has a choice of two evils, 
and she has chosen the least. She is not respon- 
sible for the situation. She can only make the 
best of it. An illustration of what I mean was 
afforded during the 1890 elections in South Caro- 
lina. The two candidates for Governor were 


Haskell and Tillman. Haskell is an honoured 
veteran of the war, a tried statesman, a general 
favourite, and an upright and courteous gentle- 
man. Tillman's experience of arms is confined 
to participation in a race riot ; he is new to poli- 
tics ; he is the favourite only of the lower and 
least reputable class of whites ; and his election 
utterances betray him as glaringly deficient in 
tact and gravely lacking in conventional polite- 
ness. Both are Democrats. It was Tillman's 
fortune, thanks to the influence of the Farmers' 
Alliance, to be the nominee of the Democratic 
Convention ; and on that point the whole contest 
turned. All the best men in the State wanted 
Haskell, and did not want Tillman ; but Haskell 
had been offered Republican support, and so, 
rather than vote for Haskell, the best men either 
abstained or voted for Tillman. It would never 
do, they felt, to allow Haskell to come into power 
on a wave which was partially composed of negro 
and Republican votes. Party discipline, there- 
fore, prevailed over personal preference, and the 
worse man won. But for the presence of a negro 
majority in South Carolina, Haskell would no 
doubt have been elected. How true it is, as 
Jefferson said, that American institutions are 
founded on jealousy and distrust, and not on. 
confidence ! 


Yet, although the white resents the presence 
of the black, and forbids the black to fully exer- 
cise such rights as the Federal Government has 
conferred upon him, the white is, withal, more 
dependent to-day upon the negro than the negro 
is upon the white. There can be no question 
that the sudden removal to-morrow of every 
white man from the Black Belt would cause far 
less inconvenience to the negroes than the sudden 
removal of every black and coloured man would 
cause to the whites. The needs of the negro are 
small, and he can supply most of them by his 
own exertion. The needs of the white man are 
relatively large, and he has been for generations 
accustomed to have most of them supplied to him 
by the exertion of the negro — first as slave, and, 
for the last quarter of a century, as very lightly 
paid freedman. The result is that in certain 
spheres of labour the negro is supreme through- 
out the South. He has no white rivals, for 
the reason that the wages which content him 
would be scorned by the lowest and poorest 
white in the country. His disappearance, there- 
fore, would leave those particular spheres— the 
cottonfield, the plantations, the domestic ser- 
vants' department, and many more — absolutely 
empty. In a word, without the negro, or with- 
out, at least, some substitute for the negro, the 


Southern white would for a time be in danger 
of starving. 

Let me not be here understood to mean that 
upon the whole the South is unsuitable as the 
white man's home. It is, on the contrary, a fit 
home and, in most parts, a healthy one for him. 
The death-rate per thousand inhabitants in the 
eight most distinctively Southern States is given 
in the 1880 census report as follows : Alabama, 
14-20; Arkansas, 18*46; Florida, 11*72; Georgia, 
13-97; Louisiana, 15*44; Mississippi, 12-89; North 
Carolina, 15*39; and South Carolina, 15*80. These 
are the swampy, malarial States, commonly ac- 
counted most pestilential in climate. Compare 
their death-rates with those of eight other 
States commonly accounted salubrious in climate : 
Indiana, 15-78 ; Kansas, 15-22 ; Massachusetts, 
18-59; New Hampshire, 16*09; New Jersey, 16-33; 
New York, 17*38 ; Rhode Island, 17; and Illinois, 
14*63. The comparison is not unfavourable to the 
South ; and it must be borne in mind that the 
death-rates given for the Southern States named 
include negroes as well as whites, a fact which 
enormously swells the average, for the reason 
that the negro death-rate is much higher than the 
white, and in many cases more than doubles it. 

The fact that the menial work of the South 
is done by the negro, combined with the fact 


that the black race is despised by the white, is 
responsible for the existence in the South of a 
class of whites such as is met with nowhere else 
in the United States ; I mean the poor and idle 
and unashamed class. These people will not 
undertake menial work as we understand it. 
They believe that, if they did so, they would 
ipso facto place themselves on a level with the 

The upshot is that the Southern white man is, 
as a rule, either a " boss/' (that is, an employer of 
labour) or a "loafer." The " boss " is generally 
a good citizen; the " loafer" is uniformly a bad 
one, but he seems to be a necessary product of 
the situation. The presence of the negro has 
created him, and he is a very dangerous factor 
in the race problem. He is the man who preys 
upon the community, white as well as black. He 
deems it more worthy of his white manhood to 
be a gambler, a corrupt political adventurer, a 
haunter of low saloons, a braggart and a swag- 
gerer, than to work for a poor but honest living. 
And even the white man who is not a "loafer," 
but a "boss," is often enough a very small "boss" 
indeed — the farmer of a few thin and infertile 
acres — a citizen who is only a "boss" because, for 
race reasons, he is too proud to accept employ- 
ment. In one of the North- Western States he 


would naturally be a " farm-hand/' and would be 
much better off than he is, as his own master, in 
Georgia or Mississippi. 

The result of this condition of affairs is that 
in the Black Belt wealth is less equally divided 
than it is elsewhere. There is the small class of 
white capitalists, there is the larger class of poor 
whites, and there is the still larger class of negroes, 
most of whom live literally from hand to mouth. 
The war is, of course, partially responsible for a 
certain amount of white poverty ; but the main 
cause is, as I have said, the presence of the 
negro ; and upon poverty and false pride follows 
ignorance. There is more white ignorance in the 
South than in any other part of the States. The 
average percentage of white illiteracy among 
people of ten years old and upwards in the 
Northern States in 1880 was 5*2 ; and it varied 
from 3*5 in Nebraska, 3*6 in Oregon, 3*7 in 
Kansas, and 3*8 in Iowa, to 7*0 in Indiana and 
10*9 — a wholly exceptional figure — in Rhode 
Island. But the average percentage of white 
illiteracy among people of ten years old and up- 
wards in the States of the Black Belt in 1880 was 
22 '2, the percentage in the individual States 
being— Mississippi, 16*3; Virginia, 18*2; Louis- 
iana, 18 # 4; Florida, 19*9; South Carolina, 21*9; 
Georgia, 22*9; Alabama, 24*7; and North 


Carolina, 31*5. And this comparison, significant 
as it is, does not show the whole extent of 
Southern white illiteracy, for the figures above 
given refer not merely to the native, but also to 
the foreign-born population. Putting aside the 
latter, one finds that while the average native 
white illiteracy in the North was but 3*2 per cent., 
that in the South was 24*7 per cent. Thus, of 
every four native-born whites in the Black Belt, 
three only even pretended to be able to read and 
write. The proportion of native white illiterates 
in the whole North was no more than one in thirty- 
one. In Massachusetts it was considerably less 
than one in a hundred. So much for the 
demoralising influence of the situation upon the 
white man. I have now to review some of the 
suggested solutions to the race problem. 



When freedom was first given to the Slaves in 
the South, no one suspected that the measure was 
destined to create a new and more difficult phase 
of a problem which had already brought the 
Union to the verge of ruin. Nearly every one 
believed that manumission would, in course of 
time, solve the race question ; and those who did 
not believe that manumission alone would produce 
this result, were apparently convinced that manu- 
mission combined with extension of the suffrage, 
and with the concession of full rights of citizen- 
ship to the freedmen, could not possibly fail to be 
efficacious ; and so Amendment XV. was passed 
as a final panacea. 

But, in fairness to the foresight of a discern- 
ing minority, it should be remembered that the 
amendment was not passed unanimously. It was 
rejected by California, Delaware, Kentucky, 
Indiana, Oregon, and Tennessee, and later, on 
reflection, by New York. It is true that it was 


ultimately ratified by 29 out of 37 States. 
Several of these were, however, at the time under 
" Reconstruction/' and the ratification from Vir- 
ginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, 
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkan- 
sas, and Texas, may be supposed to have been 
to some extent exacted under duress. Still, the 
question of giving suffrage to the negro was not 
then anywhere regarded from the point of view 
from which it is now seen by the best men of all 
parties. As Judge Tourgee has pointed out, it 
was confidently predicted by every theorist who 
speculated upon the subject, that the negro would 
wither away under the influences of freedom and 
civilisation. It was unhesitatingly asserted, and 
almost universally believed, that the first decade 
of liberty would show the race to have been deci- 
mated by disease, debauchery, and the lack of the 
master's paternal care. It was not an unnatural 
conclusion for men to arrive at who devoutly 
believed in the negro's incapacity for self-support. 
Mr. Tourgee adds : — 

" That the people of the North should believe it also is 
hardly to be wondered at. They have always reflected the 
Southern idea of the negro in everything, except as to his natural 
right to be free and to exercise the rights of the freeman. 
The North, however, has never desired the numerical 
preponderance of the coloured man, and has especially desired 


to avoid responsibility in regard thereto. From the first it 
seems to have been animated by a sneaking notion that after 
having used the negro to fight its battles, freed him as the 
natural result of the overthrow of a rebellion based on slavery, 
and enfranchised him to constitute a political foil to the 
ambition and disloyalty of his former master, it could at any 
time unload him upon the States where he chanced to dwell, 
wash its hands of all further responsibility in the matter, and 
leave him to live or die as chance might determine. It seems 
a hard saying, but there is very little doubt that, side by side 
with the belief in the Northern mind that the negro would 
disappear beneath the glare of civilisation, was a half- 
conscious feeling that such disappearance would be a very 
simple and easy solution of a troublesome question. 

It being, then, the prevalent and all but 
general impression that the negro would soon die 
out, it scarcely occurred to legislators to question 
whether or nor it might complicate matters to make 
him, for his short season on earth, a full voting 
citizen. Had it been foreseen that, far from 
dying out, the negro would increase and multiply 
to an almost unheard-of extent, there would, we 
may be sure, have been much more hesitation 
than there was over the passing of Amendment 
XV. That amendment may be repealed at any 
time by the action of two-thirds of both Houses 
of Congress, and by subsequent ratification by 
three-fourths of the States of the Union ; but to 
look for its repeal now is hopeless. 

Colonel T. B. Edgington, a Northerner, re- 


cognising the menace of negro suffrage to Southern 
civilisation, proposed, in a speech delivered at 
Memphis in June, 1889, to get over this phase of 
the difficulty by limiting the right to vote among 
the negroes, and by making the office of voter, or 
suffragist among them, an elective office — an 
office that a man shall hold, say for four years, 
by election of the whole body of the people, or 
by election of the coloured people alone, if this 
course seem preferable. Thus no property or 
educational qualification would be required. The 
end desired could be attained by so adjusting 
and limiting the negro vote that it should not ex- 
ceed say 5 or 10 per cent, of the white vote on 
any given question or issue. 

There have been many other advocates in 
favour of limitation or suspension of negro suf- 
frage ; and a movement towards this end has 
lately made much progress in Mississippi ; but, 
upon the whole, it seems to me that, as I have 
said, to look for the repeal of Amendment XV. is 

Nor would its repeal at the present date solve 
the difficulty. It would rather accentuate it ; for 
the negro would not submit to be thus set back 
upon his upward path. Indeed, repeal of the 
Amendment is even more ridiculous as a remedy 
than is another measure which, nevertheless, has 


more than once been advocated by speakers and 
writers who ought to have known better — I mean 
the extermination of the inconvenient race : for, 
whereas extermination would be undoubtedly 
effective, repeal would only reopen the difficulty 
in a new and inflamed phase. 

Neither policy is to be seriously considered. 
The United States have, both as individual 
States and as a Union, incurred towards the 
negro liabilities which cannot be repudiated or 
shirked. The country kidnapped and imported 
the negro, enslaved him or connived at his en- 
slavement, used him for national purposes, freed 
him and put power into his hands ; and it cannot 
now or ever shake off all responsibility concerning 
him. As he is, he is, for many reasons, an 
undesirable fellow-citizen ; but he was created a 
fellow-citizen to suit the temporary political 
interests of the North ; and, having served those 
interests, he is not now to be disowned and cast 
out a beggar. Equality between the races is 
a hopeless dream ; yet the whole fabric of 
American institutions rests upon the assumed 
equality of the citizens. If American institutions 
honestly and freely tolerated the existence of 
" classes," the race question would never have 
attained its present importance. The negro, 
while " keeping his place," might still have 


enjoyed his vote. As things stand, he is 
practically, in spite of his nominal rights, an 
alien. When, as in the Reconstruction Period, 
he exercised his rights most fully, he did so to 
the prejudice of the rights of the Southern white, 
who was then, as it were, the alien. Now, when 
the white Southerner has fully resumed the 
exercise of his rights, the black man suffers 
proportionately. And every day's experience 
shows more and more clearly that real equality 
in the South, as between whites and blacks, is 
impossible of attainment. Says the New York 
Tribune, with bitterness but with truth : — 

" There may be one faith, one baptism, and one name under 
Heaven whereby men may be saved, but in South Carolina 
there must be a white man's church, high-toned and very 
respectable, and a place somewhere outside where the negroes 
may herd together without disturbing the pious meditations of 
their superiors. Simon of Cyrene, who carried the cross, was 
a negro, but that passage in the Gospels can be bracketed if 
need be, and not read in the white churches of Charleston 
during Holy Week. The Ethiopian eunuch baptised by Philip 
could not have had a white skin, but that chapter can be 
omitted in the liturgical order of second lessons. The white 
saints will kindly consent to pray every Sunday for all sorts 
and conditions of men, provided ' the niggers' are taught to remain 
in their own place and not to intrude where they are not 
wanted. They will live and die in the faith and communion of 
their white fathers and white grandfathers, with no negroes on 
the sacred premises, except possibly the coloured sexton, who 


must not under any circumstances be a communicant, but 
merely a sweep. What arrangements will be made for their 
benefit in the next world they cannot tell, but they may at 
least indulge the pious hope that there will be a separate 
'nigger heaven' — an adjunct, like their own coloured con- 
vention, to the white man's paradise — a separate missionary 
jurisdiction with swarthy angels and combination negro 

I would merely add, by way of comment, 
that Charleston and South Carolina are by no 
means the most intolerant and intolerable places 
in which the Southern negro is at present 

I have alluded to two suggested, but in- 
effective or impracticable, ways out of the diffi- 
culty. Another scheme, from which in the early 
days of the negro's freedom much was expected, 
was the gradual fusion of the races. Miscegena- 
tion, or intermarriage between whites and blacks, 
was, for a season, the favourite prescription of 
theorists, especially in the North, whence to this 
moment comes plenty of theory, with little or no 
practical help. Another suggested remedy was 
education. If, said the counsellors, you educate 
the negro thoroughly well, you will render him 
as good a citizen as the white man. Let me deal 
separately with each of these plans, as well as 
with yet another — namely, the surrender of the 
Black Belt to the black, and the constitution of 


recognised Black States as members of the 
Union. I will deal with them in the order in 
which they appear to have found favour, and first 
with the least promising. 

Surrender, no matter in what form it may be 
advocated and brought about, involves the un- 
justifiable premiss that the negro is fit for self- 
government. It has never been proposed that the 
States of the Black Belt, or any portion of them, 
shall be allowed independence. No one has gone 
further than to suggest that the whites, or the 
great body of whites, shall retire from them with 
indemnity. The relationship of the States to the 
Union would remain as at present. The State 
government and representation would simply be 
left to the negroes and the coloured people, the 
rights of such whites as might elect to stay being, 
of course, as much as possible secured. The 
lessons of history and experience are, in the 
highest degree, discouraging for the success of 
such a scheme, could it, which I very much 
doubt, be carried out in its initial stages. Says 
Mr. J. A. Froude, in " The English in the West 
Indies " : — 

" There is a saying in Hayti that the white man has no 
rights which the blacks are bound to recognise. . . . They 
can own no freehold property, and exist only on tolerance. 
They are called ' white trash,' Black dukes and marquises 


drive over them in the street and swear at them 

Englishmen move about Jacmel as if they were ashamed of 
themselves among their dusky lords and masters. The presence 
of Europeans in any form is barely tolerated." 

And here is the same writer's summary of the 
history of San Domingo : — 

" St. Domingo, of which Hayti is the largest division, was 
the earliest island discovered by Columbus, and the finest in 
the Caribbean Ocean. The Spaniards found there a million or 
two of mild and innocent Indians, whom . . . they con- 
verted off the face of the earth, working them to death in their 
mines and plantations. They filled their places with blacks 
from Africa. They colonised, they built cities ; they throve 
and prospered for nearly two hundred years, when Hayti was 
taken from them and made a French province. The French 
kept it till the Revolution. They built towns, tlrey laid out 
farms and sugar fields, they planted coffee all over the island, 
where it now grows wild. Yast herds of cattle roamed over 
the mountains, splendid houses rose over the rich savannahs. 
The French Church put out its strength ; there were churches 
and priests in every parish. So firm was the hold that they 
had gained that Hayti, like Cuba, seemed to have been made a 
part of the old world, and as civilised as France itself. The 
Revolution came, and the reign of Liberty. The blacks took 
arms ; they surprised the plantations • they made a clean sweep 
of the whole French population. . . . The island being 
thus derelict, Spain and England both tried their hands to 
recover it, but failed ; . . . and a black nation, with a 
Republican Constitution, and a population, perhaps, of about a 
million and a half of pure-blood negroes, has since been in un- 
challenged possession, and has arrived at the condition which 
has been described tp us by Sir Spenser St, John." 


What that condition is has been painted in 
lurid, but not exaggerated, colours by Sir 
Spenser, to whose book reference should be 
made. Mr. Froude sufficiently sketches it in the 
following passages : — 

" Morals in the technical sense they have none." 

" A religion which will keep the West Indian blacks from 
falling back into devil-worship is still to seek." 

" In spite of schools and missionaries, 70 per cent, of the 
children now born among them are illegitimate.' ' 

" Behind the religiosity, there lies active and alive the 
horrible revival of the Western African superstitions; the 
serpent- worship, and the child sacrifice, and the cannibalism. 
The facts are notorious." 

" There is no sign, not the slightest, that the generality of 
the race are improving either in intelligence or moral habits ; 
all the evidence is the other way." 

" Ninety years of negro self-government have had their use 
in showing what it really means. . . . The movement is 
backward, not forward." 

Not only in St. Domingo has the experiment 
of negro self - government been tried under 
pseudo-civilised conditions. It has been tried 
also in Liberia, and with almost equally bad 
results. To-day in Liberia whites are treated 
by the blacks much as blacks are treated, by 
whites in the South. A negro State has never 
yet shown itself worthy to rank on terms of 
equality with a white one, and there are no 


symptoms that it will ever reach that level. 
Diplomatic intercourse with such States cannot 
be carried on under ordinary conditions ; neither 
can commercial transactions. Black rule means 
anarchy, and it invariably brings to the front the 
fact that the negro hates the white as much as 
the white hates him, and is even more ready than 
the white is to play the tyrant and the oppressor. 
Life for a white in every existing negro State is 
well-nigh unendurable. A fringe of negro States 
on the southern and south-eastern borders of the 
Union would, therefore, be a perpetual danger to 
the whole Federation. 

Education is a supposed panacea that has been 
more widely advocated; and amongst its ablest 
champions is Judge Tourg^e. But education, 
although it may in time civilise and soften the 
more naturally intelligent of the coloured people, 
will, I am convinced, do very little for the pure- 
blooded negro, the man with the facial angle of 
about 70 deg. You cannot make a silk purse out 
of a sow's ear, and you cannot make a Solon out 
of a person with an unsuitably constructed head. 
Coloured people and blacks in the South have now 
for quite twenty years been more or less subjected 
to the influences of education. Almost anyone 
who may have so desired has been able during 
that period, and, indeed, for a longer time, to 



obtain instruction of all kinds — technical, lin- 
guistic, mathematical, scientific, and philosophi- 
cal, as well as elementary. In fact, there is in 
the South even less practical difficulty in the way 
of the poor negro of genius, if such a being exist, 
than in the way of the poor white of genius ; for 
philanthropic people have established free colleges 
and schools for him, and stand ready to give him 
all possible encouragement to persevere and make 
a name and a fortune. Yet, in spite of this, the 
pure-blooded negroes who have come to the front 
in any way may be counted on one's fingers — 
perhaps on the fingers of one hand. A greater 
number of coloured people — mulattoes and cross- 
breeds of various tinctures — have profited by the 
opportunities given. Among these, one of the 
most noteworthy is Mr. B. K. Bruce, of Missis- 
sippi. He was born of slave parents in Virginia, 
in 1841, and went to Mississippi in his boyhood, 
subsequently removing to Missouri, but returning 
in 1869. His education was limited, and while 
following the occupation of a planter, he held the 
position of Sergeant-at-Arms of the State Senate 
for two years, Sheriff and Tax Collector of 
Bolivar County for four years, a Levee Com- 
missioner for three years, and was elected to the 
U.S. Senate in 1875. He now holds a respon- 
sible Government post at Washington. Another 


notable coloured man is Mr. F. Douglass, who is 
many times mentioned in these pages, and who 
is now United States Minister to Hayti. He 
had previously been one of the San Domingo 
Commissioners ; was a trustee of the Howard 
University and of the Freedman's Bank, and was 
appointed United States Marshal for the District 
of Columbia by President Hayes, and Recorder 
of Deeds for the District by President Garfield. 
He is the fourth coloured Minister to Hayti, his 
predecessors having been Messrs. E. D. Bassett, 
J. U. Langston, and J. E. W. Thompson. Mr. 
R. B. Elliott, a coloured man who was born at 
Boston and educated in England, has held several 
high positions in South Carolina, including a seat 
in the Forty-second and Forty-third Congress, 
from which he resigned. Mr. Pinchback, Lieu- 
tenant Governor of Louisiana, who afterwards 
contested a seat in the Senate, is another of the 
leading coloured men. 

But these are not the individuals with the 
negro facial angle and the full negro cha- 
racteristics, neither do they form the majority 
of the negro and negroid population. More- 
over, they are, I am assured, decreasing in 
numbers, and, although more intelligent than the 
pure blacks, are, as a general rule, even less 
desirable as citizens. But of this later. Suffice 


it to say that education has not produced such 
results as might fairly be expected from it ; and 
that the educated man of colour, if severed from 
white influence and stimulus, seems to evince an 
ineradicable tendency to "hark back" to the 
vices, the superstitions, and the weaknesses of his 
ancestors ; while, as I have already said, education 
does not abolish race-prejudice, and scarcely 
ameliorates it. The educated black becomes 
doubly conscious of the contempt in which the 
whites hold him and his race ; while the white 
looks upon the educated black as a doubly 
dangerous rival and possible enemy. In the 
meantime, with every scrap of education that he 
assimilates, the black imbibes increased anxiety 
to assume that position as a citizen which the 
white is, above all things, determined that the 
coloured man shall never hold in the South. 
Even the Boston Transcript, a Northern paper, 
recognises this fact. "We have always said," it 
declares, "that the very improvement of the 
negroes' condition socially makes worse the pros- 
pect of quieting down that burning question. 
Naturally, the more they get the more they want, 
and the more they will have, too. The only 
logical position was to keep them slaves. Once 
citizens, they have as good right as anybody to 
ride in your Pullman, or sit in your theatre or 


restaurant, sleep in your hotel or church, or live 
in your street or block. Lack of money is all 
that intervenes at present, and that will not 

And Dr. S. M. Smith, D.D., of Columbia, 
South Carolina, writing in the Presbyterian 
Quarterly for October, 1889, takes the same 
view. His conclusions are thus summed up by 
the Raleigh State Chronicle :— 

" The patent panacea for all negro defects, education, does 
not mend matters in the least ; an ' educated ' negro is just as 
much negro as before, just the same raw hide volume with 
the incongruous addition of a gilt edge ; he is only a little 
more aggressively offensive than his less ornate brother. Social 
complications are not at all lessened by education, nor mitigated 
by Might complexions' either/' 

Miscegenation is the most widely favoured 
and venerable of what I may call the quack 
nostrums for the cure of existing evils. The 
late Mr. Henry Woodfin Grady, one of the 
truest friends that the negro ever had, laid it 
down as an axiomatic condition of harmony 
between races " that each race should earnestly 
desire a fusion of blood, in which all differences 
would be lost." The action of the natural law 
thus stated has made white North America what 
it is to-day. But, as the author of " An Appeal 
to Pharaoh " points out, the law that governs the 


distribution, association, and conduct of all other 
living creatures rules the action of men also. 
Birds and beasts, fishes, reptiles, and insects — 
nay, trees, and flowers, and weeds — group them- 
selves together after their kind: and man is no 
exception to the universal rule. In every land 
and clime, under whatever circumstances and con- 
ditions he may be placed, he recognises and 
obeys nature by seeking his own kind, avoiding 
every other, and warring with his dissimilar 
neighbour. Families, classes, societies, tribes, 
nations form around some common centre of 
agreement or likeness that unites the like and 
excludes the unlike from the invisible but impass- 
able circle. The map of the world is a map of 
the larger groups. The history of the world is 
chiefly the history of the formation, organisation, 
and contentions of these groups. The history of 
North America is a particular demonstration of the 
action of the law under consideration. Four cen- 
turies have not elapsed since the white man first set 
his foot on the eastern shore of the New World. 
Every step of his progress westward has been 
marked by the blood of the dissimilar race, which 
he found there and drove before him. He sits on 
the grave of the red man ; he has shut the door 
in the face of the yellow man from China ; what 
shall he do with the black man from Africa? 


Intermarry with him, say the quacks. But, to 
again quote Mr. Grady, "not only do the two 
races not earnestly desire fusion, but both races 
are pledged against it as the one impossible 
thing." This is quite notorious throughout the 
South, where it has even inspired legislation 
against miscegenation ; yet many humanitarian 
theorists in the North still put forward inter- 
marriage as the panacea. 

I summarise here an interesting article which 
was contributed to Belfor&s Magazine for Septem- 
ber, 1889, by Mr. Cone on the significance of 
racial colour. The writer attempts to prove that 
colour of the skin is inseparably connected with 
the brain and higher faculties of the individual, 
and that according to a fundamental law of 
Nature the negro, being black, always has been, 
and for ever must remain, an inferior grade of 
humanity. The alleged law, as stated by Mr. 
Cone, is as follows : — " Whatever race or species is 
changeless from generation to generation as to 
the colour of its skin, hair, and eyes — if it be man 
or animal — or eyes and plumage, if it be bird, 
evinces low brain-power, is ' inferior ' ; while that 
which is changeful from generation to generation 
as to the colour of its skin, hair and eyes, or 
plumage, shows high brain-power, is i superior.' 
Or, more briefly : The invariable as to racial 


colour is the ' inferior ' ; the variable is the 
1 superior ' race." After an elaborate investigation 
of attempts to domesticate wild birds and wild 
animals, and of efforts to raise black men and red 
men to a higher plane of civilisation, the con- 
clusion is reached that all such attempts have 
been absolute failures. The cases of Hayti and 
Jamaica are cited to prove that the black man, 
when raised by a higher race to a level of life 
which he was unable to himself attain, has never 
shown any ability to maintain himself there ; he 
" lacks the brain-fibre, the brain-power, which 
is necessary to do so, and, left to himself, he 
retrogrades, reverts." The red Egyptian and 
the yellow Chinaman, though more variable, and, 
therefore, of a higher type than the negro, are 
forcible illustrations of arrested development. 
" Hybridism in animals, and the sterility of mis- 
cegenation when pressed beyond certain well- 
known limitations, are proof that Nature punishes 
in her own effective way the violation of her 
laws, whether men have understood those laws or 
not." This fundamental law of Mr. Cone declares 
that racial intellect, racial superiority and in- 
feriority, are written in racial .colour ; and the 
writer concludes by saying: — "If this be true, 
then other conclusions inevitably follow, which a 
wise statesmanship, sincere in purpose, lofty in 


motive, scholarly in grasp, and philosophic in 
breadth of view, will not disregard." 

It is true that America has become a mighty 
nation from the intermingling of races, but 
almost entirely from the intermingling of races 
that belong to the Indo-Grermanic stock. The 
more nearly allied the races, the more successful 
has been the intermingling. English, Scotch, 
Irish, Dutch, Germans, and Scandinavians have 
harmoniously united to produce the American ; 
but the Latins, as we see in Canada and Louisiana, 
blend much less readily with the Anglo-Saxons 
and Celts, and continue to hold aloof long after 
races more nearly akin have inextricably merged 
in one composite but individual people. The 
French, the Italians, and the Spaniards are those 
that thus hold aloof. Some of them seem to 
intermarry — and this is peculiarly noticeable in 
Central and South America — more readily with 
the native Indian, or even with the negro, than 
with the Anglo-Saxon. In Paraguay, Guatemala, 
Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Salvador, Honduras, and 
Southern Mexico, for example, the mass of the 
population is Indo-Spanish. It would seem as if 
the Southern European does not possess the 
colour-antipathy as the pure white possesses it ; 
and, surely, his own dark colour lends plausibility 
to the theory that he is one step nearer than the 


pure white is to the Indian and negro stocks. 
But nowhere does the pure white, as represented 
by the Anglo-Teutonic races, generally admit 
coloured races to social and family equality. 
There are mulattoes in the United States, but 
nearly every mulatto is the offspring not of 
marriage but of an irregular, temporary, and dis- 
graceful union. There are Eurasians in India, 
where, after all, whites and coloured people are 
racially related ; yet even there most of the half- 
breeds are illegitimate. In Africa, in the mean- 
while, the Hottentot and the Bushman, instead of 
blending with the whites, are vanishing. In 
Australia, too, and New Zealand, the aboriginal 
inhabitant is disappearing fast. Race, more than 
anything else, has to this day kept Central Africa 
a secret from the white world. And the 
numerical superiority of the negroes in the Black 
Belt is, more than anything else, responsible for 
the fact that the Black Belt is almost a terra 
incognita to the mass of Northerners, and for the 
equally important fact that European and North- 
ern brains and capital do not go there as they go 
to the whiter but not richer West. In the South, 
in the past five-and-twenty years, the negro has 
improved in very many respects ; but that makes 
no radical difference. He is still the negro, and 
he always will be the negro. 


Yet, in spite of these and other considerations 
that must be ever present to the minds of all who 
know the South and are unprejudiced observers 
of what is there for them to see, we find people 
persistently advocating miscegenation as the 
certain cure for the evils of the situation. Mr. 
Frederick Douglass, a mulatto, and, perhaps, the 
most distinguished coloured American now living, 
takes a somewhat neutral position. Writing in 
the North American Review for May, 1886, on 
miscegenation, he says : — u I am not a propagan- 
dist, but a prophet. While I would not be under- 
stood as advocating the desirability of such a 
result, I would not be understood as deprecating 
it." But many whites have been bolder. The 
opinion of the Rev. Dr. B. T. Tanner is that 
" whether the whites and the blacks of the country 
shall mix is no longer an open question, being 
settled by the fact that the mixing has already, 
and to a large extent, taken place. ... As 
we gaze," he continues, " upon the millions of 
whites and millions of blacks confronting each 
other, and as we remember that where there is no 
association there can be no certain amity, and 
that where there is no amity there can be no last- 
ing peace, we are made to ask, What will the 
harvest be ? As there cannot be other than one 
Government, so there must not be ultimately 


more than one people. The union of which we 
so justly boast must comprehend both." The 
Rev. J. W. Hamilton, of Boston, is another pro- 
phet and advocate of miscegenation. And the 
language of Prof. S. B. Darnell, of the Cookman 
Institute, Jacksonville, is: — " However we may 
feel on the subject, the stern logic of sequences 
will make, in the coming years, c our brother in 
black' a misnomer; and the diverse streams of 
blood will so mingle that our posterity shall quote 
again, ' God hath made of one blood all nations of 
men.'" On the other hand, Abraham Lincoln, in 
his reply to Senator Douglas in 1857, said, " There 
is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white 
people at the idea of an indiscriminate amalgama- 
tion of the white and black races.'' And again: — 
" There is a physical difference between the two, 
which, in my judgment, will probably for ever 
forbid their living together upon the footing of 
perfect equality ; and, inasmuch as it becomes a 
necessity that there must be a difference, I, as 
well as Judge Douglas, am in favour of the race 
to which I belong having the superior position." 
And these prejudices belong not only to the pure 
white branches of the great Indo- Germanic stock. 
In our West Indian colonies there are about 
10,000 coolies, of whom Mr. Froude says: — " They 
are proud, and will not intermarry with the 


Africans. If there is no jealousy, there is no friend- 
ship. The two races are more absolutely apart than 
the white and the black." Between the races in 
America, as Judge Tourg^e expresses it, " there 
is no equalisation, no fraternity, no assimilation 
of rights, no reciprocity of affection. Children 
may caress each other, because they are children. 
Betwixt adults fewer demonstrations of affection 
are allowed than the master bestows upon his dog. 
Ordinary politeness becomes a mark of shame. 
A caress implies degradation. In all that region 
no man would stand in a lady's presence unless 
uncovered. Yet not a white man in its borders 
dares lift his hat to a coloured woman in the 
street, no matter how pure her life, how noble 
her attributes, or how deep his obligations to 
her might be." 

If such be the prevailing sentiments among 
Southern white people, the questioner may say, 
How then do you account for the mulattoes, 
thousands of whom are found in and far beyond 
the limits of the Black Belt ? The point is one 
concerning which I am anxious to convey a very 
clear understanding, for it is a most important 
point. There is, undoubtedly, a large mixed 
population ; and, as the Rev. Dr. T. B. Tanner 
has said, "the mixing has already taken place." 
It has taken place ; it took place amid conditions 


which have ceased to exist ; and practically it 
takes place no longer. It is in his assumption 
that the mixing process continues, and in his im- 
plied assumption that the causative unions were 
at any period and to any considerable extent 
legitimate ones, that Dr. Tanner creates a false 
impression. Here are the facts, so far as I have 
been able to ascertain them ; and I have spared 
no pains in my efforts to get at the bottom of 

The mulatto, strictly classified, is the offspring 
of a pure white and a pure black parent, and he 
is much less common than is generally supposed. 
In nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a 
thousand he is of illegitimate birth, and in ninety- 
nine cases out of a hundred, except, perhaps, in 
Louisiana, w r here there is a large population of 
French descent and of modified anti-negro pre- 
judices, he is a person no longer a minor. I 
made inquiries in Charleston with the object of 
discovering there a mulatto child of tender years, 
but in vain. I found mulattoes of five-and-twenty 
or thirty, but I could find no children. More 
than once in the street I thought that I had come 
upon what I was looking for ; but in every case 
the child proved to be not a genuine mulatto, but 
simply a coloured child, the offspring, that is, of 
a parent or parents with some white blood, but 


not the direct offspring of black and white. The 
coloured people, as distinct from the pure-blooded 
negroes, are everywhere common enough, and 
may be casually mistaken by the unfamiliar 
observer for mulattoes. But the real mulatto is 
comparatively rare, and is daily becoming rarer. 
Most of the coloured people have less than one- 
half white blood ; an overwhelming majority, 
indeed, have less than one-quarter. A coloured 
person with but one-eighth or one-sixteenth of 
negro blood is very rare indeed. The kind of 
proportion that is common is ten-twelfths or 
fourteen -sixteenths, or even more. All this 
points to the fact that miscegenation, although 
at one time prevalent, has, as I have said, prac- 
tically ceased. It also points to the fact that, 
as the author of " An Appeal to Pharaoh" 
puts it: — 

" The process is never continued beyond a few steps further, 
and halts abruptly at the point where it promises to prove 
effective by the obliteration of the negro type in an individual 
who shall still represent the union of the two diverse strains 
of blood. Such an individual may, indeed, exist in America ; 
but, if so, he wisely holds his peace as to his pedigree. The 
octoroon is nearly white, and is usually attractive in person. 
He is free to marry in his own class, or below it ; but 
he is as far from marrying a white woman as was his blackest 
ancestor, And so of the mythical individual, whose case we 
have just considered." 


The truth is that the mulatto, the quadroon, and 
the octoroon are chiefly products of the slavery 
period. Since the war, the birth of a mulatto, 
quadroon, or octoroon out of wedlock has been 
of the rarest occurrence ; and legislation and 
prejudice have limited, and well-nigh put a stop 
to, the birth of these people in wedlock. 
Mulattoes intermarry, and, in some cases, have 
intermarried for generations. In more than one 
place in the South they, with occasional ad- 
mixture of quadroons, constitute a small, distinct 
community of highly respectable people, living to 
themselves for the most part, and having as little 
in common with their black as with their white 
neighbours ; for white blood, even in small 
quantities, " tells," and the pride of the mulatto 
or quadroon, as a rule, rebels as much at the idea 
of alliance with the negro as does the pride of 
the white at the idea of alliance with coloured or 
black. The mulatto originated in the desire of 
the slave woman to enjoy the favour of her white 
master, and in the desire of the master to add to 
his possessions — as well as, to some extent, in 
white brutality and youthful dissoluteness, at a 
period when these could be very freely indulged. 
The black slave woman and the white master 
have disappeared, and all the conditions have 
changed. With the changed conditions the birth 


of mulattoes, of quadroons, and of octoroons has 
steadily grown rarer and rarer, until it threatens 
to cease altogether. If miscegenation ever 
promised to solve the negro problem — and this I 
doubt — emancipation hopelessly destroyed the 
prospect. Whatever miscegenation there was, 
was entirely confined to white men and negro or 
coloured women. The Southern white woman 
has had no part in it. In her opinion it is, in 
all circumstances and conditions, loathsome and 
abominable. Miscegenation, upon the only prin- 
ciples in accordance with which it has ever been 
practised between the races in the United States, 
is, after all, no real miscegenation at all. It was 
one-sided, it was criminal, it involved the dis- 
owning of the child by the stronger of its 
parents. Could any satisfactory admixture have 
been effected on such terms ? And there has 
never been the slightest sign of assimilation on 
any other terms. 

There is yet another aspect of the question, 
and that is, Is the mulatto, the quadroon, the 
octoroon, a desirable product? It cannot be 
denied that the intelligence, the general aptitude 
for affairs, the business and political capacity, the 
aesthetic faculty, and the finer qualities of the 
coloured man, are always closely proportionate 
to the degree of whiteness of his skin. In the 


coloured man we continually find a perception 
of artistic beauty in form, colour, and effect, and 
what may be called a natural sense of decency 
and shame. These are foreign to the negro 
nature ; and their peculiar absence seems to widen 
the already sufficiently broad gulf between pure 
black and pure white. In the coloured man, 
again, we find the natural leader of the negro in 
all movements, political, religious, and social. 
The only representative of the coloured popula- 
tion who ever sat in the United States Senate was 
nearly white ; and in the Reconstruction period 
the masters of the situation in the South were, 
not Northern whites and Southern negroes, but 
Northern whites and Southern coloured men. 
The hybrid of the white man's begetting was 
then the white man's scourge. Beyond a doubt, 
he is intellectually a great improvement upon the 
black. But he is no nearer the white than was 
his black mother. "If," says the author of " An 
Appeal to Pharaoh," "the negro race were wholly 
supplanted on American soil by a race of mulat- 
toes, or even of octoroons, the race problem would 
be so far from approaching a solution, that it 
would be at least as perplexing and as fraught 
with present difficulty and promise of future 
trouble as is the negro problem of to-day." And, 
apart from this, the mulatto is physically and 


constitutionally, and also to, I fear, a very large 
extent, morally, a failure. Although both white 
and negro are long-lived races, the mulatto, born 
of Anglo-Saxon and negro, very rarely attains 
the age of fifty; and he is particularly and abnor- 
mally subject to certain forms of disease. More- 
over, there is a general and, I believe, a not 
unfounded impression that nature refuses to 
perpetuate beyond two or three generations this 
race of human hybrids. Dr. J. C. Knott, after 
nearly fifty years of residence among the black 
and white races of the South, declared mulattoes 
to be " the shortest-lived of any class of the 
human family," and that the product of the cross 
between the Anglo-Saxon and the negro dies off 
before the dark stain can be washed out by amal- 
gamation ; while Professor Drummond says, 
" Inappropriate hybridism is checked by the law 
of sterility/' This last doctrine may, it is just 
possible, not apply, or may xmly apply to a 
limited extent, to the mulatto. There is, un- 
fortunately, less room for doubt that, in the South, 
people of mixed blood furnish a surprisingly 
and disproportionately large quota to the criminal 
population. It was estimated that in the Missis- 
sippi Penitentiary, on the 1st of December, 1885, 
there was one white for every 4,480 white inhabit- 
ants of the State, one black for every 918 black 


inhabitants, and one " coloured " for every 314 
"coloured" inhabitants. I am not desirous of 
asking too much attention to this particular 
estimate, which is open to error, for the reason 
that, in the census reports, black and " coloured" 
people are classed together ; but I feel bound to 
say that, upon showing this estimate to the 
superintendents of several convict establishments 
in the South, I have been invariably told that, 
whether exact or inexact, it might be accepted as 
expressive of the general truth. If, therefore, 
the products of miscegenation be short life and 
excessive tendency to disease and crime, is mis- 
cegenation, even supposing honourable and legal 
miscegenation to be possible, a desirable way 
out of the difficultv ? I venture to think not. 
Honourable miscegenation, besides, is out of the 

One other solution has been proposed. It is, 
however, too important and many-sided a scheme 
for me to deal with at the close of this already 
too lengthy chapter. 



I have attempted to show that the negro problem 
in the Southern States cannot be satisfactorily 
solved by the limitation of the suffrage, by the 
surrender of any portion of the country to the 
control of the black majority, by education of the 
coloured citizen, or by miscegenation of the races. 
The central point of the situation is the presence 
of the negro in the South. If he were not there, 
there would be no negro difficulty. The solution, 
therefore, that alone promises to be thoroughly 
effective is his removal. His mere dissemination 
throughout the Union would not be sufficient. 
No scheme of emigration from the South to the 
North and West can permanently benefit the 
negro or settle the race question. The " colour 
line " is, as has been repeatedly shown, even more 
clearly defined in the North than in the South. 
Everywhere in the South, for example, one 
may see black and white cab-drivers, though 
they do not love one another, plying indis- 


criminately for hire, black and white bricklayers 
working on the same buildings, black and white 
compositors setting up type at adjoining cases ; 
but in most parts of the North things are different. 
There, with very few exceptions, the negro is 
not admitted to ordinary trade-union organisa- 
tions ; he is remorselessly " crowded out" from 
every occupation and employment ; and his posi- 
tion is, upon the whole, worse than in Georgia 
or Louisiana. If the seven or eight millions of 
coloured people were to-morrow scattered equally 
over the States, the South, no doubt, would be 
relieved, but neither the North and West nor the 
negro would be better off. A more radical pro- 
gramme of removal must be adopted by any 
party that earnestly desires alike the welfare 
of the inferior stock and the final solution of 
the problem. There must be another exodus 
from Egypt, another restoration of the captive 

In its bare outline the policy with which I am 
about to deal is not new. One of Thomas Jeffer- 
son's most prophetic utterances was : — " Nothing 
is more clearly written in the Book of Destiny 
than the emancipation of the blacks ; and it is 
equally certain that the two races will never live 
in a state of equal freedom under the same 
Government, so insurmountable are the barriers 


which nature, habit, and opinion have established 
between them." 

Jefferson, who died nearly forty years before 
emancipation became an accomplished fact, did 
not omit to prepare, so far as lay in his power, 
for the evil which he saw approaching. With 
Henry Clay and others, he founded the African 
Colonisation Society, which established on the 
west coast of Africa the Negro Republic of 
Liberia, and, between 1820 and 1860, sent thither 
about 10,000 free coloured people. It may at 
once be admitted that the colony has not been a 
conspicuous success, for the American immigrants 
and their descendants now hardly number 5,000 
souls, and, according to Mr. Charles H. J. Taylor, 
a late American Minister to the Republic, the 
place is to-day " a land of snakes, centipedes, 
fever, miasma, poverty, superstition, and death." 
But the comparative failure of the Liberia scheme 
is due, in my humble opinion, rather to the 
principles in accordance with which it was carried 
out than to any inherent and necessary unfitness 
of the negro for colonisation. I shall later point 
out what appears to me to be the weak points in 
the Constitution of Liberia, as well as in that of 
Hayti. If they lie where I suspect they do, it is 
only natural that Jefferson and his associates and 
successors should have overlooked them. 


Nor were Jefferson and his friends the only 
ones who, early in the century, sought to fend off 
the looming negro difficulty. In 1825 Senator 
Kufus King, of New York, was so far-seeing as 
to introduce to the United States Senate a resolu- 
tion declaring that " the whole public land of the 
United States, with the net proceeds of all future 
sales thereof, shall constitute and form a fund 
which is hereby appropriated ; and the faith of 
the United States is hereby pledged that the said 
fund shall be inviolably applied to aid the eman- 
cipation of such slaves within any of the United 
States, and to aid the removal of such slaves and 
the removal of such free persons of colour in any 
of the United States, as by the laws of the States 
respectively shall be allowed to be emancipated, 
to any territory or country without the limits of 
the United States." 

Senator King was far in advance of his day 
and generation, and, not unnaturally, his motion 
came to nothing; but it is very likely indeed 
that, had it been carried, there would at the 
present moment be no considerable number of 
negroes in North America. The sum of money 
which under his scheme would already have 
become available for the removal of the coloured 
people exceeds £50,000,000 sterling, exclusive of 
interest, and the lands still undisposed of are 


worth, at a moderate computation , a hundred 
millions more. 

Nothing practical, however, save the Liberia 
experiment, was attempted in Mr. King's day, 
or has been attempted since, towards the final 
solution of a problem which for a generation has 
been yearly growing graver and more dangerous. 

It looks now as if the moment were about to 
arrive when either the question must be peace- 
ably settled or it will settle itself by violence ; 
and it is, therefore, worth while to consider 
whether the most radical and permanent solution 
of the difficulty is practicable, and, supposing it 
to be so, how it may, even at this late hour, be 
accomplished without force and injustice. 

First, let me premise that the United States, 
as a whole, and not merely the South, owes an 
enormous debt to the negro race. Everyone 
admits that the institution of slavery was a crime 
against humanity; but everyone does not re- 
member that for a century and more the North 
was particeps criminis. Some aspects of her 
responsibility will be found dealt with in the 
Appendix on Slavery in the North. It is too 
often forgotten that Southern slavery, up to the 
time of emancipation, existed under and was pro- 
tected by the laws of the Union. 

The debt owing to the blacks is manifold. 


Something is due to those who, against their will, 
were dragged from their homes, subjected to the 
untold horrors of the middle passage, and forced 
to labour, unrequited, for strangers. What the 
horrors of the middle passage were is hinted at 
rather than told in the log-book of Her Majesty's 
ship Skipjack, which, in 1835, captured the 
Portuguese slaver Martha, with 447 slayes on 
board. The Martha had left Loango forty-three 
days before for Brazil with a freight of 790 slaves, 
of whom 353, or nearly 45 percent., had perished 
from the tortures and miseries of the voyage. 
These tortures and miseries were not less, we 
may be sure, fifty or one hundred years earlier. 
Something, again, is due to those who, in the 
land of their captivity, were deprived by law of 
education, of the privilege of marriage, and of 
the guardianship of their children. More, per- 
haps, is due to those who, in support of the 
triumphant principles of the land of their captivity, 
shed their blood. As many as 300,000 people of 
colour took arms during the Civil War. And 
thankful recognition, if nothing beyond, is owing 
by the South to the subject race which, in the 
hour of national adversity, instead of rising to 
complicate the troubles of the Confederacy, was 
loyal, and even helpful, to the dominant class. 
There are other grounds of indebtedness, but they 


have been so fully indicated in the course of this 
work that I need not again specify them. My 
only objects here are to insist upon the fact that 
a heavy debt has been incurred, and to point 
out that the time has not yet come when the 
United States can say, " We are doing something 
tangible towards paying it off." 

In considering the practicability of the removal 
from the United States of the blacks and coloured 
people, one must bear in mind the following 
questions :— 

Is the negro willing to go ? 

Can the negro be dispensed with ? 

How can he be removed ? 

Whither can he be sent ? 

First let me attempt to offer a reply to the 
question, " Is the negro willing to go ? " I believe 
that he is, but he can best answer for himself. 
The Rev. T. S. Lee, a coloured clergyman of 
Charleston, speaking on Emancipation Day, 1890, 
said :— 

" I believe that the ultimate solution of the so-called race 
problem will be emigration, from necessity, if not from choice. 
. For two people so distinct from each other in their 
physical structure, and between whom there are naturally 
such insurmountable barriers, to develop on separate and 
distinet lines, dwelling together here, is about as reasonable as 
for two kings to reign on the same throne at one and the same 
time. . . . We make a great mistake when we suppose 


that the Anglo-Saxon gave us our enfranchisement for the love 
he had for us . . . He did it because he thought he could 
use us. . . It is a mistaken idea for us to kneel down to 

the whites. The Anglo-Saxon and the black man cannot work 
together ; one or the other will have to leave, and I am some- 
what of a believer in the tale about the Lord's fire. The fire 
will not burn the people, but it will be so warm that our 
people will have to move on or get burnt; and I rather 
believe that they will move on. . . . We must show our 
independence, and the sooner we do this the better. Let some 
of us leave — go to Africa if necessary — and show that we can 
get along without the Anglo-Saxon, and, by this spirit of 
independence, make him learn and appreciate our value. 
Independence and emigration are, in my opinion, the only 
solutions to this great question." 

And Mr. Lee does not stand alone. Bishop 
H. M. Turner, of Atlanta, Georgia, a leader 
among the negro Methodists, said, in the course 
of a public speech in 1889, that nothing but 
poverty had kept his people where they were, 
and that nothing but actual departure from the 
country could cure existing evils. 

And a few days later, he said, with reference 
to the Morgan Bill which was then before Con- 
gress : — 

" May God grant that the Bill may pass. The white people 
brought us here against our will. Now they ought to provide 
for us to leave if we desire. Besides, we must work out our 
destiny anyhow, and if a portion of us think we can do it 
better elsewhere, let the nation help us to try it. If the Bill 


meant compulsory expatriation, we would fight it to the death; 
but, as it is voluntary upon the part of the negro, let it pass as 
soon as possible. The negro at best is but a scullion here, and 
he can be no less in Africa. I am tired of negro problems, 
lynch law, mob rule, and continual fuss, and millions of other 
negroes are tired of it. We want peace at some period in our 
existence, and if we cannot have it here, where we were born 
and reared, let that portion of us who choose to try another 
section of the world have a little help. This nation owes the 
negro forty billion of dollars any way ; so give us a little to 
emigrate upon." 

Dr. Edward Wilmot Blyden, formerly of the 
West Indies and more recently of Sierra Leone, 
is another distinguished negro who advocates 
negro emigration from the States. More than 
this, in November, 1889, a negro colonisation 
society was established in Augusta, Georgia, to 
promote emigration to Africa. At about the 
same time a wholesale emigration of negroes to 
Mexico was projected, and a negro delegation 
visited the city of Mexico to make arrangements 
for it ; while, a little earlier, a large scheme of 
negro migration from the States to the Argentine 
Republic was extensively advocated by most of 
the negro journals of the South, Unfortunately, 
neither Mexico nor the Argentine Republic wants 
the negro. The Mexican newspapers, as with 
one voice, bitterly attacked the scheme, and 
called upon their Government to be patriotic, 


and not to countenance a plan which would bring 
into the Republic a race alien in blood and 
language. And the Buenos Ay res Standard 
said: — " The darkey is destined to give the 
United States far more trouble some day 
than the detested heathen Chinee ; and it would 
be really too cool of Jonathan to ask us here 
to help him out of the unsavoury mess." The 
Prensa, a Spanish newspaper of the same city, 
declared upon the same occasion : — 

" It cannot be comprehended that a country proud, as ours 
is, of its wonderful and rapid advancement should commit the 
folly of introducing an element of obstruction, offensive both 
to sight and smell, and with marked tendencies to laziness. 
The United States would ridicule South America if the latter 
were to accept this Greek gift." 

But these remarks do not touch the question of 
the negro's readiness to migrate. There is really 
no doubt that he is quite ready, provided always 
that migration will better him, and provided also 
that he can accomplish it without serious im- 
mediate loss to himself. 

Can he, then, be spared ? The answer, I 
think, is " Yes." The Birmingham, Alabama, 
Age-Herald took up the question in June, 1889, 
and thus expressed itself : — 

" In the lowlands of the Mississippi delta, the river bottoms 
of Arkansas and Louisiana, the Alabama black belt, and the 


South Carolina coast, negro labour may seem indispensable ; 
but this is simply because the big plantation system exists in 
those sections. It would be a blessing to the South if the big 
plantation system could everywhere be broken up, and small 
farms, occupied and cultivated by thrifty white owners, 
substituted. In Texas, in Georgia — in all parts of the South, 
in fact, except those enumerated above — the white farmers 
work their own fields, and work them to much better 
advantage than those tenanted out to negroes. . . . The 
negro can be easily dispensed with, and if he stays in the 
South it is painful to conceive what must be the inevitable 
consequence. . . . The negro must go, or those Southern 
communities where he is found in such large numbers will go 
to something worse than perdition.' 7 

Upon this the Memphis Avalanche of June 
8th, 1889, remarked:— 

"We have no hesitation in endorsing as true everything 
the Age-Herald has said. There are hundreds and thousands 
of white labourers in the cotton fields of the South to-day. In 
Texas, where an immense amount of cotton is grown, a negro 
is frequently not seen in a day's ride." 

The New Orleans Times- Democrat, one of the 
most respectable and influential of Southern 
journals, on June 17th, 1889, took the same view 
in very decided terms, and added : — 

" There is no portion of the South where the whites cannot 
live, where they do not work more intelligently and better than the 
negroes, and where they do not produce larger crops per capita. 
The South would be more productive, richer, and more pros- 
perous in every way if it were peopled altogether by white men." 


The Galveston, Texas, News held similar 
language ; so did the Charleston News and Courier ; 
so did the Atlanta Constitution, the Nashville 
American, the Richmond Dispatch, the Arkansas 
Democrat, the New Orleans Picayune, and, in 
brief, all the leading newspapers of the South. 
Indeed, I know of no important exception. Con- 
cerning the filling of the gap which would be 
created by the removal of the negro, the Green- 
ville, South Carolina, News of March 17th, 1889, 
had already said :— 

" If we can keep the white people there will be no lack of 
labour and population. The natural increase may be trusted 
to occupy every acre of available ground without the coming 
of new citizens ; but we might reasonably hope for a great 
inflow of white immigration to follow the tide of coloured 
emigration. " 

Colonel Stokes, a representative Southern, 
writing on the same subject, argues forcibly and 
convincingly against the assumption that the 
negro is an essential element in cotton raising. 
" It is generally admitted by all who are acquainted 
with the matter that the negroes are the most 
inefficient of all labourers in nearly all the fields 
of labour. The Southern negroes cultivate an 
average of not more than six or eight acres to 
the hand ; the Northern farmer cultivates forty 
to sixty acres. The latter uses a great variety 


of improved farming implements. The negro 
cannot be taught to use any other than the primi- 
tive types he has been long accustomed to. 
Still, the planter is dependent upon the negro to 
till his fields simply because the negro is here 
and cannot be got rid of, and white labour is not 
available in any sufficient numbers while the 
field is so occupied. But it is certain that if the 
negro cotton-raiser could everywhere be replaced 
by white men, the cotton region would wear a 
very different aspect." 

There are even signs that the negro is being 
dispensed with already, and that, if he remain, 
his position as a labourer will deteriorate rather 
than improve. The Forum for December, 1889, 
contained a powerful article on " The Race 
Problem," by Professor Scomp, of Emory College, 
Georgia. The writer, in summing up, says : — - 

" Sadly, yet with perfect conviction, we are driven to the 
inevitable conclusion that if the negro's citizenship and his 
social and business privileges are to have play and develop- 
ment, it must be upon another soil than that of the whites. 
As equals, the races cannot and will not exist together. " 

And, writing privately to Dr. E. W. Blyden, 
Professor Scomp thus explains his views as to 
one aspect of the negro's future in the States : — 

" One feature which I regard as ominous to the future of 
most of the Southern negroes is the steady and rapid improve- 



ment in machinery in all departments of the cotton-plantation 
industry ; e.g., less than two months ago there was exhibited at 
the Georgia State Fair, at Macon, a machine for chopping 
cotton, by which one man, upon a kind of buggy plough, could 
in one day do the work, by horse-power, of more than a dozen 
ordinary choppers. Such machinery, generally introduced, 
must, for the most part, put an end to the plantation negro's 
summer work and his means of subsistence. Many efforts, too, 
are making at the invention of a proper cotton-picking machine, 
and, though this has not yet succeeded to any great degree, 
American industry will undoubtedly prove equal to the task 
of invention. When that day comes the mass of Southern 
negroes will be practically out of an occupation and without a 
livelihood.' ' 

Apart from this, the negro is now doing much 
less in the South than he used to do. The 
Charleston News and Courier, which made a care- 
ful investigation of this matter in South Carolina, 
county by county, a few years ago, found that 
30 per cent, of the cotton was raised by white 
and 70 per cent, by coloured labour. In Mis- 
sissippi the State census of 1880, taken coinci- 
dentally with the United States census, showed 
that 328,568 bales were produced by white and 
627,240 bales by negro labour. In these States, 
with large negro majorities, nearly a third of the 
cotton crop was raised by the whites. Judging 
by these figures, it is safe to say that, including 
the comparatively white States of Texas and 
Arkansas, very nearly half the cotton is raised 


by the whites, whereas thirty years ago not over 
400,000 bales, or one-tenth the crop, was grown 
by them. 

If, as would appear to be the case, the negro 
be willing to migrate and can be dispensed with, 
the next questions for consideration are — How 
can he be removed ? And whither can he be 
sent? The two questions are intimately allied, 
and may best be examined together. I think 
that a rough key to one of them has been fur- 
nished by Mr. J. A. D. Mitchell, who, writing on 
January 11th, 1890, to the Cleveland, Ohio, 
Gazette, a newspaper conducted by and in the 
interests of coloured people, says : — - 

" Let the United States Government assume a protectorate 
over such portions of the African Continent as are not already 
provided for, and, to enforce the claim, call for 100,000 or 
more American negro volunteers to assist, not only in the 
abolition of the slave traffic, but also in Christianising and 
reclaiming the African negro from heathenism and idolatry. 
I claim that climatic and other influences preclude the possi- 
bility of the white man accomplishing much without the aid 
and influence of the negro. . . . The necessity for forced 
emigration or colonisation would (either being distasteful as 
well as impracticable) be supplanted by a voluntary uprising 
of the negro to participate in reclaiming the land of his 

There, is here, I really believe, the germ, 
though only the germ, of a sound and useful 



scheme. It is not likely that the United States 
Government will, in our day, assume onerous 
protectorates in other continents ; and it is not, I 
am convinced, desirable that, in the future home 
of the negro, the emigrant shall live under in- 
stitutions similar to those which at present con- 
tribute so much to his discomfort. If the black 
were to move to what would practically be an 
American foreign possession, he would scarcely 
improve his position. He would still find himself 
on nominal equality with, but in actual inferiority 
to, the white governing powers. If not, he would 
have to govern himself; and for this task the 
negro is peculiarly unfitted. It is for this reason 
that Hayti and Liberia have proved failures. 

Where I detect the true ring in Mr. Mitchell's 
crude suggestion is in his proposal that the negro 
shall be given not only a country, but also a 
stimulus to make himself worthy of the boon. 
In one or other of these, to my mind, absolutely 
essential features, all the remaining projects of 
negro migration that have come under my notice 
are lacking. 

Several Bills, aspiring to deal in an adequate 
manner with the race problem, have lately been 
brought before the notice of the United States 
Senate. Senator Butler, of South Carolina, asked 
for the appropriation of five millions of dollars 


in aid of negro emigration generally. Senator 
Gibson, of Louisiana, advocated the acquirement, 
as the negro's future home, of extra-Union ter- 
ritory. Senator Morgan, of Alabama, brought 
forward a scheme of African colonisation ; and 
Senator Call, of Florida, revived the old pro- 
ject of opening negotiations with Spain to se- 
cure the establishment in Cuba of a negro 

But all these legislators have missed the one 
important point. You cannot, without the use of 
force, ensure anything approaching to a general 
exodus of a whole race, unless you first provide 
the people with high aims, and also hold out to 
them a reasonable hope of improved political, 
social, and financial conditions. Had the Israel- 
ites seen nothing better than Egypt before them, 
they would never have quitted the land of 
Goshen ; had the Babylonian captives not looked 
to the rebuilding of the Temple, it is doubtful 
whether many of them would have availed them- 
selves of Cyrus's permission to return to 

Speaking in the Senate on the subject of the 
Butler Bill, Senator Wade Hampton, who has 
been one of the most honoured and successful 
Governors of South Carolina, the blackest State 
in the Union, said, on January 30th, 1890 ; — 


66 1 have expressed the opinion that the separation of the 
white and coloured races in the United States would be of 
permanent benefit to both. ... I recognise as fully as 
anyone the political rights of the coloured people, and 
amongst these rights is that paramount one of every citizen of 
the Republic to choose his own home. The forcible expulsion 
of the negroes would not only be unlawful, but would be 
impolitic, unjust and cruel. . . . No thoughtful patriotic 
man would contemplate any such action. But whilst 
patriotism, wisdom, and an enlarged philanthropy dictate 
these views, it may still be a question whether some feasible 
plan cannot be adopted by which such coloured people as 
desire to seek a new home, where, under their own laws and 
their own government, they could work out their own destiny 
free from contact with the white race, could not receive the 
generous and fostering assistance of this great and rich 

Like his brother legislators, Senator Hampton 
fails to grasp the necessity of giving to the 
negroes a motive to induce them to leave the 
States ; like them, too, he appears to be of 
opinion that, no matter whither the negro may 
remove, he must be, if not an American subject, 
at least a self-governing individual. On both 
these points, I venture to think, his attitude is a 
wrong one ; but on the other point which is dealt 
with in this extract from his speech he is right. 
The American Government ought, in recognition 
of its indebtedness, as well as from politic con- 
sideration of its own best interests, to be prepared 


to assist the proposed negro emigration ; and on 
that point Senators Butler, Gibson, Morgan, and 
Gall are in practical agreement with Senator 

One of the most conspicuous characteristics of 
the negro is, as I have already had occasion to 
point out, his childishness. Referring to the 
negroes of Africa, Mr. H. M. Stanley, writing in 
December last to The Times, said :— 

" If one regards these natives as mere brutes, then the 
annoyances that their follies and vices inflict are, indeed, 
intolerable. In order to rule them and to keep one's life 
amongst them, it is needful resolutely to regard them as 
children, who require, indeed, different methods of rule from 
English or American citizens, but who must be ruled in 
precisely the same spirit, with, the same absence of caprice and 
anger, the same essential respect to our fellow-men." 

Another recent writer has said of them : — 
V They are children ; children naughty or child- 
ren good ; pleased or angry ; children to be ruled 
firmly, treated kindly ; but always, at bottom, 
children." And every one who knows thoroughly 
the African negro, either in Africa or in America, 
can have no other estimate of his character. 

This being so, is it reasonable, on the one 
hand r to elevate the negro, as he has been 
elevated in America, to a level of political and 
legal equality with the Caucasian; or, on the 


other hand, to expect this child of nature to 
properly govern himself ? The experiment of 
equality has failed in America ; the experiment 
of self-government has failed in Hayti, in Liberia, 
and wherever else it has been tried. Surely, 
then, it is as necessary, in the experiment of the 
future, to avoid placing the negro on a pedestal 
which he has proved himself incapable of occupy- 
ing as it is to avoid enslaving him, oppressing 
him, or in any way unfairly treating him. If 
my contentions be sound, it results that the ex- 
periment of the future must be conducted with 
due regard to the following conditions : — 

1. The emigrating negro must be offered a 
country in which he may pursue high aims, enjoy 
a prospect of improved political, social, and 
financial status, and find climate and employment 
suited to his needs. 

2. He must not govern, but be governed. At 
the same time he must not be oppressed, either 
physically or morally; and there must be no 
restraint upon his improvement and advancement. 

3. His emigration must be assisted, either by 
those who owe him a debt or by those who will 
benefit by his migration, or by both. 

Accepting the above conditions as postulates, 
I may now definitely indicate what, after a long 
and careful study of the problem in its various 


aspects, seems to be the only solution that will be 
alike just and permanent. 

The country that is most suitable for the 
negro is, beyond all cavil, that central belt of 
Africa which lies between the Sahara and the 
Tropic of Capricorn, and which includes the 
Congo Free State, Senegambia, Liberia, the 
British and German possessions on the Gulf of 
Guinea, Sierra Leone, Gaboon, Angola, Damara- 
land, Mozambique, Zanzibar, and the territories 
of the various British and German African 
companies. The greater part of this belt is the 
negro's own country, the place whence his 
ancestors were kidnapped, or in which his race 
still dwells ; and, so far as civilisation is con- 
cerned, nearly all of it is, to this day, virgin soil. 

The past fifty years have witnessed the first 
serious attempts on the part of civilisation to 
open up this immense district, the riches and 
fertility of which no one, even now, is in a 
position to estimate. Very little progress has 
been made. The climate and general conditions 
are, over much of the tract, unsuitable for the 
majority of Europeans. European influences, 
nevertheless, are almost everywhere dominant ; 
and almost everywhere there exists the frame- 
work, though not all the machinery, of just 
government. The crying need of the situation is 


more civilisation — civilisation not of a very ad- 
vanced or cultured variety, but rather civilisation 
of a kind which, not being too much superior 
to native habits and modes of thought, and 
being, nevertheless, of a moderately progressive 
type, may first, if properly encouraged and led 
by white influence, capture the Africans and then 
gradually raise them with itself to higher planes. 

Who are more suited to apply such modest 
civilisation to the blacks of Africa than the blacks 
of America ? Africa, as a whole, will never be a 
white man's country. It will not, therefore, be 
the scene of such race jealousies as torment the 
Southern States of the American Union. 

At the same time, Africa, it is tolerably 
certain, will always have the advantage of white 
rule, and of a kind of white rule, moreover, that 
will not possess the irksome defects of white rule 
as it now exists in America. In no British 
colony, for example, is there any reason why 
a capable negro should not raise himself to high 
position and honour* In no British colony, on 
the other hand, does the negro govern. And I 
think it may also be said that in every British 
colony in which he is to be found the negro is a 
fairly happy and contented person. It is a great 
mistake to suppose, as many people do, that the 
negro objects to be governed, and to be governed 


firmly. On the contrary, he likes it, provided 
always that the government be fair as well as 
firm. Colonel Shepard, an acknowledged ad- 
vocate of the negro, admits, with regard to the 
present condition of Hayti, that the whole busi- 
ness is a fine illustration of the futility of intro- 
ducing republican institutions to a country whose 
people are uneducated, untrained in affairs, and 
incapable of self-government. 

Nor is the negro hopelessly enamoured of the 
suffrage. He clings to it in the United States, 
because there it constitutes almost his only badge 
of humanity ; but to those who will freely con- 
cede his humanity he will as freely surrender the 

By a wholesale migration, and properly con- 
ducted, of Southern negroes to Africa, America 
would be relieved, and Africa would be benefited. 

Already this fact has, to a limited extent, 
been recognised and acted upon. In 1884 a plan 
for the introduction of Southern negro labour to 
the Congo district was submitted to the King of 
the Belgians by an American, Colonel George W. 
Williams ; and I believe I am correct in saying 
that Colonel Williams was in consequence em- 
powered to engage twelve clerks, accountants, 
and storekeepers at 125f. a month, and twelve 
mechanics and engineers at from 200f , to 3001 a 


month, transportation, board, lodging, and medi- 
cal attendance to be provided by the Congo Free 
State. Five years later, in 1889, the King of 
the Belgians made application to the United 
States for twenty-four professional men and 
artisans to go to the Congo as representatives of 
the trained and educated American negro. His 
Majesty's agent visited, among other places, 
Shaw University, at Raleigh, North Carolina, a 
remarkably well-conducted college for coloured 
students. The principal, Dr. H. M. Tupper, 
declared his firm belief that thousands of Ameri- 
can negroes would, within a few years, go to the 
Congo country • and he said that he recognised 
in the opportunity a grand means of permanently 
improving the condition of many coloured people. 
If the American negro were shown, as he 
easily might be shown, first, that his exodus to 
Africa would result in vast good to his race, and 
would open to him an honourable mission as a 
civiliser; next, that the proceeding would result in 
a general amelioration of his own condition; and 
finally, that in Africa he would escape from the 
discomforts and persecutions that hem in his 
career in America ; and if, at the same time, he 
were offered aid to enable him to migrate to and 
establish himself on the soil of his fathers, I do 
not doubt that he woixld leave America, not 


merely in his thousands, but in his millions. He 
desires, above all things, a country and an aim in 
life. Give him those, and he will seize them 
gladly. But it is useless to counsel him to go to 
Africa, or elsewhere, unless you also hold out to 
him an object to be attained. And even a grand 
object will not alone induce him to move. He is, 
as a rule, poor. His investments, such as they 
are, are all in America. It is necessary not only 
to assist him to move and settle, but also to pay 
him generously for the little that he must sur- 

It is impossible, while considering this scheme, 
to avoid thinking, again and again, of the paral- 
lelism of the exodus of the Israelites, and of the 
Biblical conclusion, u And they spoiled the 
Egyptians." The Egyptians, like the Americans, 
had incurred a great debt to their bondsmen, and, 
like the Americans, they sought to evade it, and 
suffered bitterly in consequence. But the pay- 
ment was inevitable in Groshen, and it is inevitable 
in the United States. In Goshen it was paid in 
the form of spoils, surrendered in panic by a 
people who, at the last, were glad to be rid of 
their captives at any cost. How will it be paid 
in America ? 

One cannot foresee, but it is quite certain that 
it is not yet too late for it to be voluntarily 


tendered in cold blood, and to be gratefully 
accepted ; and it is reasonable to suppose that 
delay in payment will not lessen but rather 
increase the amount — be it of treasure, blood, 
misery, or unrest — to be ultimately paid. 

It would seem, therefore, that principles of 
ordinary economy, as well as of common justice, 
indicate that an effort should be made to pay off 
the negro as soon as possible. 

It cannot be said that the Union has any lack 
of means. Her actual indebtedness at the con- 
clusion of the Civil War was, roughly speaking, 
£551,286,000 ; it is now only £187,115,000, and 
between June 30th and October 1st, 1890, it was 
reduced by £14,537,000. In twenty-five years the 
Federal Debt has been lessened by £364,171,000, 
or at the average rate of over fourteen and a half 
millions sterling per annum ; and the annual 
surplus available for reduction is now, as a rule, 
so much larger than it was a few years ago, while 
the debt remaining is of such very manageable 
proportions, that very little hardship to the United 
States would result from a temporary diversion — 
say, for thirty years— of a portion of the surplus 
from the purposes of the reduction of the Federal 
Debt to the payment of interest and gradual pay- 
ment of principal of a special series of negro 
emigration and settlement loans. 


It is calculated that an annual sum of twelve 
or fourteen millions sterling* might thus, without 
undue pinching, be diverted ; and this represents 
a very large capital amount — an amount which 
would probably be quite sufficient, with a certain 
quota of aid from outside, not only to decently 
transport, but to comfortably establish in Africa, 
every pure-blooded negro now on United States 

It might not be also sufficient to buy out the 
negro ; but that might justly be assigned as a 
duty, in whole or in part, to the individual States 
concerned, seeing that they are more immediately 
interested than is the nation at large in getting 
rid of him, and that the expenditure to be incurred 
would sooner or later be returned to the States in 
the shape of payments on the re- sale of lands and 
buildings now belonging to the negroes. 

That the United States have not already 
entered upon some such course is rather remark- 
able ■; for they have spent scores of millions in 
the payment of debts which are less pressing, and 
they have, indeed, been so generous in certain 
directions as to have incurred the reproach of 
unwarrantable extravagance. They have over 
half a million names on their pension-roll, and 
they pay the pensioners more than twenty millions 
a year, in spite of the fact that most of the 


persons who benefit had no legal claim upon the 
country at the time when the services in respect 
of which pensions are now paid were rendered. 
The pensions are not, as pensions are in Eng- 
land, deferred pay ; they are compensations and 
gratuities. The Union has been lavish with 
them ; but the Governments which have granted 
them have always looked forward to a return in 
the shape of political support, and so the sums 
disbursed have been regarded as profitable in-' 

Hitherto, there is no doubt, American poli- 
ticians as a body have not discovered that any 
profit can result from the payment of the nation's 
indebtedness to the negro ; and that is the reason 
why they have not dealt with the negro as they 
have dealt with the soldier. 

But will there be no profit? The South is 
now stagnant under the incubus of the negro. 

According to Governor Lee, of Virginia, the 
negro does not "pay" as a citizen. The Green- 
ville News goes so far as to make the following 
estimate of the results which would follow upon 
the removal of two-thirds of the present coloured 
population from South Carolina: — 

"We should lose," it says, "$50,000 to $75,000, which is 
probably a full estimate of the total amount of taxes paid by 
coloured people ; the cultivation of some land, the production 


of some cotton, for a time. We should have about $175,000 
of the amount now used for coloured public schools for the use 
of white schools, nearly doubling the present terms and adding 
much to the facilities and comforts of teachers and scholars. 
We should have in the penitentiary about 100 convicts instead 
of 800. Our criminal courts would sit on an average from a 
day to a day and a half a week, nine-tenths of their time 
being now occupied by trying coloured persons. Our gaols 
would have about one-fifth of the inmates they now have, 
nineteen-twentieths of the prisoners now fed and kept at the 
cost of the taxpayers being coloured. The lunatic asylum 
would have one-half its present population and would cost one- 
half of what it now costs. The county poor-houses would 
contain one-half, or less, of their present population. The trial 
justices would have, on an average, about a case a month. 
These calculations are from the actual figures. What we 
should gain in the way of keeping white people who are 
now crowded out by coloured competition, the improvement 
of lands by intelligent and careful cultivation, and the 
incoming of white mechanics and farmers, are matters of 
further estimation." 

The Union is divided, and it is the presence 
of the negro that causes the division. Nearly 
one- eighth of the population of the Union is of 
alien race, and, besides being hopelessly alien, is 
oppressed, discontented, and dangerous. These 
are evils which might be abolished to the general 
profit. And worse evils lurk in the future. The 
prosecution of a race war would not be cheaper 
than the promotion of a negro exodus. The 
severance from the Union of six or eight States 


would be vastly more weakening to the nation as 
a whole. In some form the debt must be paid. 
Nature has never yet admitted the plea of any 
Statute of Limitations in cases like the one under 
discussion. It were well, then, to make a settle- 
ment while it can still be made peacefully and, 
comparatively speaking, cheaply. 

If America would do its duty by the negro, 
those civilised nations which have established 
themselves in Africa would, in pursuance of their 
own interests, aid her. Great Britain, Germany, 
and France would each and all welcome the 
immigration to their African possessions of large 
and leavening bodies of American blacks. Not 
long ago Sir Alfred Moloney, Governor of Lagos, 
received a deputation from "the Brazilian and 
Havannah repatriates in the colony of Lagos," 
and was assured that all the negroes of Brazil 
wished to return to the country of their ancestors. 
In reply, Sir Alfred Moloney said that he had 
induced the commercial world to take an interest 
in the project, and that the African Steamship 
Company had engaged to provide improved and 
cheaper facilities for negro immigrants from 
Brazil. He welcomed the idea of "repatriation," 
and would encourage it. Much more, no doubt, 
would he welcome the idea of the "repatriation " 
of the immeasurably more civilised and less de- 


bauched American negro. The black, it is true, 
will not do much good for himself anywhere 
without white superintendence, but there is no 
reason why such superintendence as is necessary 
should not be forthcoming, and, if it be once 
understood that the salvation of Africa lies with 
the negro even more than with the white, there 
is every ground for believing that the American 
negro will rise bravely to the occasion. 

Even in a greater degree than in the African 
possessions of Great Britain, Germany, and France 
does there appear to be a career for the American 
negro in the Congo Free State. The author of 
" An Appeal to Pharaoh" has indicated that State 
as the American negro's promised land. A copy 
of the book was recently given to Mr. H. M. 
Stanley, a man who, having spent parts of his 
life not only in the Dark Continent but also in 
Louisiana, knows the negro both in America and 
in Africa. The volume drew from the traveller 
a very interesting letter, from which I extract 
the following: — . 

"There is space enough in one section of the Upper Congo 
basin to locate double the number of the negroes of the 
United States without disturbing a single tribe of the aborigines 
now inhabiting it. I refer to the immense Upper Congo 
forest country, 350,000 square miles in extent, which is three 
times larger than the Argentine Republic, and one and a half 
times larger than the entire German Empire, embracing 



224,000,000 acres of umbrageous forest land, wherein every 
unit of the 7,000,000 negroes might become the owner of 
nearly a quarter square mile of land. Five acres of this, 
planted with bananas and plantains, would furnish every soul 
with sufficient subsistence — food and wine. The remaining 
twenty -seven acres of his estate would furnish him with timber, 
rubber, gums, dye-stuffs, for sale. There are 150 days of rain 
throughout the year. There is a clear stream every few 
hundred yards. In a day's journey we have crossed as many 
as thirty-two streams. The climate is healthy and equable, 
owing to the impervious forest which protects the land from 
chilly winds and draughts. All my white officers passed 
through the wide area safely. Eight navigable rivers course 
through it. Hills and ridges diversify the scenery and give 
magnificent prospects. To those negroes in the South accus- 
tomed to Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana, it would be a 
reminder of their own plantations without the swamps and the 
depressing influence of cypress forests. Anything and every- 
thing might be grown in it, from the oranges, guavas, sugar- 
cane, and cotton of sub-tropical lands to the wheat of California 
and the rice of South Carolina. If the emigration were 
prudently conceived and carried out, the glowing accounts sent 
home by the first settlers would soon dissipate all fear and 
reluctance on the part of the others. But it is all a dream. 
The American capitalists, like other leaders of men, are more 
engaged in decorating their wives with diamonds than in 
busying themselves with national questions of such import as 
removing the barrier between the North and the South. The 
* open sore ' of America — the race question — will ever remain 
an incurable fester. While we are all convinced that the 
Nessus shirt which clings to the Republic has maddened her, 
and may madden her again, it is quite certain that the 
small effort needed to free themselves for ever from it will 
never be made/' 


I am inclined to be more sanguine than Mr. 
Stanley was when he wrote that letter. Some 
solution of the race question cannot be long de- 
ferred, and surely there is enough latent justice 
and prudence in the American people to induce 
them to render the inevitable solution a peace- 
able and equitable one. 

In a still later utterance on the subject 
Mr. Stanley has taken a cheerier view. The 
Congo Government, he declares, is favourable, 
and the laws are calculated to promote happiness 
and content. Whites cannot colonise the State, 
since a white man living in the Congo Valley for 
three years expends ten years of vitality, while 
women cannot retain health. 

" With negroes forming the majority of its citizenship, the 
State would, with proper encouragement, make remarkable 
development, and, in time, become a great nation. . . . At 
present the Congo Free State's government is entirely in the 
hands of whites, but, in my opinion, any man who can prove 
his capacity would receive all that any could expect." 

For the half-breed of the South another haven 
must be sought. He is no more the friend of the 
black than he is of the white. Neither desires 
his company. But in the West Indies, or in 
some parts of South and Central America, he 
might, no doubt, discover a land in which his 
existence would be a not unpleasant one. 


I have discussed this great subject copiously, 
but very inadequately. No question at present 
before the world has so many aspects ; and to 
America no question is equally important. The 
solution which I have advocated is costly ; but it 
is, I believe, the only one that promises a perma- 
nent and honourable settlement of the difficulty. 
Any other must be imperfect, or must involve 
wholesale bloodshed. Until something of the 
kind is put into practice, the dearly bought union 
must remain a nominal one, and North and South 
must continue to cherish different aims, and to 
be, in effect, separate nations. Only when the 
negro shall have departed will the name of the 
United States truly represent anything more than 
a magnificent aspiration. 

It would be ungenerous to conclude this 
work without some acknowledgment of the great 
assistance that has been rendered to me in my 
study of the subject by, among others, Mr. Eustace 
Ballard Smith, Mr. John Bigelow, Mr. P. Bigelow, 
Major Post, U.S.A., Mr. Chauncey M. Depew, Mr. 
J. W. Barnwell, Mr. G. W. Cable, Mr. Theodore 
Roosevelt, Mr. C. M'Kinley, Mr. S. J. E. Bawling, 
Mr. R. W. Gilder, and the Governors of most of 
the Southern States. To them, and to many 
others, including a number of negro gentlemen, 


whose names, if I have not already mentioned 
them incidentally, are, at their own wish, with- 
held, I desire to express my most grateful thanks, 
coupled with the sincere hope that the difficulty 
which interests all of them, and which is only 
fortunate in that it has enabled me to make their 
acquaintance, may, before long, cease to exist. 


IN 1890. 

Up to the time of sending this book to the press, no official 
statistics of the relative proportions of the races in the 
Southern States of the Black Belt in 1890 have reached me 
from Washington. Bulletin No. 16 of the Census Office con- 
tains, however, a final statement as to the total population of 
each State in question. I give the figures in tabular form, 
leaving vacant columns for the insertion hereafter of the 
missing information : — 

Total Popula- 

tion, 1890. 

North Carolina 














South Carolina 







To the Forum for October, 1889 (Forum Publishing 
Company, 253, Fifth Avenue, New York), the Rev. John 
Snyder contributed an article with the above title. As it 
illustrates many points that are briefly touched upon in the 
present volume, I venture to append some further portions 
of it beyond those already quoted. 

a A gifted American actor," says Mr. Snyder, "has 
conceived a professional scheme which promises an affluent 
return of profit and reputation. He is convinced that, under 
certain clearly recognised conditions, the drama of Othello 
may be made popular in the Southern States. He sees 
clearly, of course, why this great product of the master's 
genius has been ' under a cloud/ so to speak, south of Mason 
and Dixon's line, and he purposes revealing to the art-loving 
people of that section the beauties of a work which the 
interpretative power of the greatest actors of the past has 
never made tolerable on the Southern stage. 

"He is conscious of the natural difficulties to be over- 
come ; of the state of social feeling which will always resent 
the intrusion of the African on the histrionic stage, except 
within the limited range of the minstrel show. But his 
system contemplates an easy solution of these apparently 
insuperable difficulties. He does not design to impart a less 
pronounced colour to the face of Othello, because experience 
has taught him that the slightest tinge of creaminess in the 
complexion and the faintest crinkle in the hair would leave the 
prejudice against his hero's race practically unaffected. He 
simply intends to ' improve ' Shakspeare so that the great 
bard's creations may be made generally acceptable to all 
sections of our free and enlightened land. 

"There is no intention wilfully to misrepresent Shakspeare, 


or to distort his plain meanings. But this artist has reasoned 
himself into the conviction that the great author's hero could 
not have been a negro. Therefore, all the prejudice against 
him on that ground is manifestly unreasonable. In the very- 
nature of things, he must have been the representative of 
another race, or else Brabantw s friendship, DesdemonaJs love, 
Cassio's esteem, and the unstinted admiration of Yenice would 
all be impossible and inconceivable. Accordingly, our actor 
holds, Othello must have resembled one of those stately Arab 
chiefs whose portraits gleam from the pages of ' Picturesque 

" Our Southern brethren are at last to have an Othello who 
cannot, as the moral circus advertisements say, ' offend the 
most fastidious.' Shakspeare, carefully modernised, will be- 
come popular once more in the sunny South. All references 
to the blackness of Othello's face and the thickness of his lips 
are to be conscientiously softened down into less objectionable 
phrases, and those audiences which may be ethnologically 
unenlightened are to have their sensitive natures soothed by 
some such prologue as Bottom proposed for the sapient actors 
of Athens : ' Ladies, or fair ladies, I would wish you, or I 
entreat you, not to fear, not to tremble ; my life for yours. If 
you think I come hither as a" nigger," it were a pity of my 
life. I am no such thing. I am an Arab.' That would put 
all doubt at rest. 

" The only thing likely to interfere with the success of this 
scheme of mingled philanthropy and profit is the presence of 
that vast amount of astute Shakspearean philosophy which is 
based upon the assumption of Othello's objectionable ethnic 
relationship. What becomes of Professor D. J. Snider's 
' System of Shakspeare's Dramas.' ? It is quite probable that 
Shakspeare, could he be consulted, would offer no strenuous 
objection to the proposed change. Having been an actor him- 
self, he would doubtless sympathise with the despair to which 


the modern representative of his profession is reduced in the 
task of catering to the present unreasonable demand for 
dramatic novelties. As there is not the slightest appreciable 
trace of a ( system ' in any of his dramas, and as the social 
prejudice against the African race as such is something which 
in his day and generation was still unborn, it is reasonable to 
suppose that Othello might be re-made into a Chinaman or a 
Choctaw without seriously affecting the motive of the tragedy. 

" Still, when a man has constructed a ' System of Shak- 
speare,' and has announced that ' Shakspeare makes race an 
ethical element of marriage, as important as chastity/ and that 
* in Europe to-day the marriage of a lord and a servant-girl 
collides with the moral consciousness of the whole public,' he 
naturally has the same kind of affection for that system which 
Dr. Sangrado had for his, and any attempt to upset its ' ethical ' 
conclusions by substituting an Arabian Othello for an Ethio- 
pian, will be apt to be resented. It is as fundamentally 
unethical to marry an Arab as a negro. It will be much 
wiser for our actor frankly to retain the African characteristics 
of his hero, letting it be understood that a true Shakspearean 
system employs this tragedy as an ' awful example ' to warn 
those who are tempted to leap over the ethical fence of racial 

" Once outside of the atmosphere of American social life, it 
is difficult to treat the spirit of colour caste with seriousness or 
decent respect. Of course, that man would be but a shallow 
ethnologist who should maintain that the terms c superior ' and 
i inferior' do not justly mark the distinctions between races, 
or who should refuse to acknowledge that certain choice 
characteristics of civilisation are confined within fairly well- 
ascertained racial limitations. And the man who looks with 
disapproval upon marriage unions between the members of a 
progressive race like the Caucasian, and the members of a 
conditionally unimprovable race, is governed by principles of 


the simplest prudence, to say no more. The difficulty is always 
in determining this question of unprovability. The Spanish 
race in its various colonies has seemed to stand still for three 
centuries, yet to attribute racial inferiority to the countrymen 
of Cervantes and Loyola would be manifestly unjust. The 
negro race in this country may be mentally and morally both 
inferior and unimprovable, and hence it would be both wise 
and ethical for our stock to refuse to make with it a mixture 
of blood. But the average American knows nothing and 
cares nothing about any physiological reasons for declining 
such marriages. In truth, the race question does not, with 
us, involve this marriage element at all. Generally speaking, 
nobody wants his daughter to marry a negro, and the negro is 
not anxious to seek such marriages. As a matter of fact, in 
the matter of marriage the negro is ridiculously fastidious, 
accepting without complaint the white man's classification of 
every shade of colour, even the slightest, under the head of 
negro, and rigorously claiming for his own race every possible 
modification of the original type. There are plenty of octoroons 
and quadroons who might easily pass for members of the white 
race, but who never think of seeking marriage associations 
outside their mother's stock. And they would be subjected to 
the severe censure of the black race if they did so. The 
bugbear of f miscegenation ' is the least substantial phantom 
that haunts the imagination of ignorant people. 

" The cruel wall of caste which has been relentlessly built 
around the negro in this country was not created by the fear 
of racial deterioration on the part of the Caucasian. The feeling 
from which it sprang is so inexplicable as almost to defy any 
philosophical analysis. That in the Southern States slavery 
should have created a clearly defined colour caste was reason- 
able and natural. That among a people generous in disposition 
and generally religious in their habits of mind this caste 
feeling should have been strengthened by every argument 


tending to show the negro's natural inferiority and fitness for 
his servile position was equally natural. That within the 
limits of slave territory every Southern gentleman should con- 
sider the presence of mental ability in an individual negro a 
reflection upon the system and a menace to its continuance, 
was the most reasonable thing in the world. But it is only 
justice to say that not in the South but in the North did this 
curious feeling of colour caste first have its rise. The Southern 
man apparently denied to the negro social recognition not 
primarily because he was a negro, but because he was a slave. 
The Northern man seems to hate the negro primarily on 
account of his colour. In domestic service, the filthiest and 
most ignorant Irish or German servant refuses to eat at the 
same table with the cleanest and most respectable negro. In 
some of our hotels the wealthiest negro in the land could not 
purchase, at any price, the privilege of sitting in the common 
dining room, or of occupying one of the sleeping apartments. 
Industrially, he is practically restricted to a " beggarly account," 
of the least profitable and most menial trades. Those labour 
unions which complain so bitterly of the oppression of capital, 
and announce Utopian principles of universal brotherhood, do 
not dare to cast their mantle of protection over the despised 
and neglected labourer with a black skin. But saddest of all 
is the attitude which the Church has held towards this spirit 
of colour caste. Ideally, at least, the Church is the home 
of human equality. All classes and conditions of men are 
supposed to meet there on a common ground. And while we 
constantly depart from this principle in practice, we usually 
try to cover and disguise our shortcomings by a thin veil of 
self-exculpation. We may not want the poor and poorly 
dressed man sitting in our pews, but we rarely make a frank 
confession of the fact. Only the negro is openly, and by 
common consent, excluded from the broad definition of 
Christian equality. We have not yet accepted Mr. JSTasby's 


advice, and altered our version of the New Testament so that 
it shall read ' Suffer the little (white) children to come unto 
Me,' but it would be quite consistent for us to do so. 

"This condition of things would cease to be mysterious if 
it were based upon recognised physiological reasons. We can 
easily understand Brabantids surprise when his daughter 
became enamoured of a thick-lipped African, or Aunt 
Ophelia's disgust at seeing Eva hanging about the neck of 
Uncle Tom. We are not disposed to question the good 
Puritan's conviction that the pure negro is 'an acquired taste.' 
But we entertain the same personal and social repugnance for 
every possible modification of the negro. Even when the 
bleaching process has been so thorough that no external 
indication of African blood remains; even when the individual 
has assumed all the characteristics of Caucasian beauty and 
intelligence, we still treat him as a social pariah. Several 
years ago there was, at a certain school in Pittsburg, a very 
beautiful and intelligent young lady. In scholarship and 
deportment she stood for a year at the head of the school. At 
the end of that time somebody told the principal that his 
favourite pupil had lurking in her veins a few unsuspected 
and undiscoverable drops of African blood. She was turned 
out of the doors as ignominiously as if she had been guilty of 
unchastity or was afflicted with some infectious disease. 

"Tell the average American that he is descended from 
Pocahontas, that his blood may be traced to Confucius, or that 
his daughter has secretly married one of Madame Blavatsky's 
mythical Indian Mahatmas, and the chances are that he will 
be flattered and gratified. You stumble over no ' ethical 
principle ' \ you encounter no fatal racial prejudice. Tell him 
that his great-great-grandfather was probably a powerful 
potentate from the Congo or the Niger, and you touch the 
acme of insult. It would be safer to accuse him of highway 


" But the most astonishing feature of this colour caste is 
found in the complacent assumption of the average American 
that it is something inherent and natural in the human mind, 
and is therefore universal. Tell such a person that it is the 
result of social and political education, and he will smile at 
your ignorance. Yet when such an American steps over the 
borders of his own country he does not find this prejudice 
shared by any other nation. The Frenchman, Englishman, or 
German may not want his daughter to marry a negro, but in no 
part of Europe do you detect the presence of that galling 
system of social discrimination which so exasperates the black 
man in this country. All over the continent of Europe you 
find the negro living in the best hotels, travelling in first class 
coaches, and sitting as an equal on the benches of the great 
scientific and art schools. You find no trace of this prejudice 
in the press or literature of Europe ; you find no taint of it in 
its social life. London is the great meeting-place of all the 
varied races of the world. A new Peter would find there the 
representatives of more peoples than listened to the many- 
tongued sermon on the Day of Pentecost. All colours and 
conditions of men make up the varied web and woof of its 
marvellous life. Each man's condition is determined by his 
rank, his wealth, his social position. Social caste indeed exists 
of the most rigid type ; but it is never based on colour, hardly 
ever upon racial distinctions. It may be, as the author of the 
1 System of Shakspeare's Dramas ' affirms, that the marriage 
of a lord and a servant-girl ' collides with the moral conscious- 
ness of the whole public/ but a man's treatment is conditioned 
upon his wealth, his intelligence, his knowledge, his rank, or 
his personal character, never upon the colour of his skin. In 
the light of this fact our colour caste seems as provincial as it 
is undeniably absurd, cruel, and indefensible." 



The following letter was addressed in 1888 to the Editor 
of, and was printed in, the Charleston Hews and Courier. As 
it deals very ably, though from a pronouncedly Southern 
standpoint, with the responsibility of the North towards the 
negro, I reprint it with a few insignificant corrections : — 

" Sir, — I was glad to see your editorial on March 9th last 
on the Emancipation Proclamation. It is surprising how 
much ignorance exists upon the subject of emancipation in 
some of the usually best-informed circles. I desire to call 
your attention to two instances of this in that usually accurate 
journal, the Nation (of New York). In a recent number 
there appeared the review of a letter written from Washington 
to a paper in Frankfort : — 

" ' The condition of our negro population is the subject of 
a Washington letter in the Frankfurter Zeitung of December 
24th, 1887. The writer's view of their social status is correct 
enough, but he is rather at sea in his historical retrospect, 
as when he says that the South was at one time more opposed 
to slavery than was the North, and that the Civil War was a 
struggle between " the sons of the slave-owners and the 
planters to whom their fathers had sold their dark com- 
modities." This is a corollary to the misleading statement 
that " in 1790 the negroes were distributed throughout this 
country, and were almost exclusively slaves," but that, " during 
the first quarter of a century the inhabitants of the Northern 
States gradually sold their slaves to the South, where climate 
and the nature of the agricultural products increase the value 
of negro labour," all of which sounds as if the countryman of 
Yon Hoist had drawn his inspiration from the pro-slavery 
pamphlets of Buchanan's Administration/ 

" I have not seen this letter, nor do I know who is the 


writer, but if you will allow me space I think I can convince 
even the Nation, and its readeis who shall happen to see this 
communication, that the statements quoted are not so wide of 
the mark as the Nation seems to think. 

" If such, as the Nation suggests, was indeed the source of 
the writer's information, can the following facts and figures, 
which are taken mostly from a work of that time, be disputed 1 
The author from whom I take the figures, as I cannot at this 
moment put my hand upon the census of 1790, was, it is true, 
a Rebel brigadier, the heroic defender of Marye's Heights at 
Fredericksburg, where he was killed ; but, all the same, can the 
statements be denied *? — (' Cobb on Slavery,' Philadelphia, T. 
and I. W. Johnson and Co., 1858) : — 

" By the census of 1790 there were 40,370 slaves in the 
States north of Virginia. Now how were those 40,000 slaves 
emancipated 1 Can any one point to a single Act by any 
Northern State by which any negro was actually and immedi- 
ately emancipated ? We ask this because it is clear that all 
the gradual emancipation schemes had just the effect which the 
Frankfort writer states : to wit, they caused the inhabitants of 
the Northern States generally to sell their slaves to the South. 
Laws prohibiting slavery after some future date were but 
warnings to the owners of slaves to send them out of the 
State before the Act should go into effect. The inevitable 
working of such Acts was to send the slaves South for sale. 

" Vermont, we know, claims the honour of having been the 
first to exclude slavery. She claims that this was done by 
her Bill of Rights in 1777. But the census of 1790 shows 
seventeen slaves. Her Bill of Rights could not have done a 
very perfect work since it allowed seventeen slaves to remain 
in bonds thirteen years after its adoption. Slavery, which had 
been introduced into Massachusetts soon after its first settle- 
ment, was * tolerated,' as Chief Justice Parsons gently expresses 
it, certainly until the adoption of the Constitution of 1780, 


Nor, indeed, did the Constitution of 1780, by any express pro- 
vision or declaration, prohibit slavery. But a very few days 
ago a letter of Mr. Thomas Silloway, of Boston, appeared in. 
the Charleston Sun, giving instances of bills of sale and dis- 
position by will of Indian and negro slaves in Massachusetts as 
late as 1771. Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes makes Old Sophy, 
the nurse of Elsie Venner, the daughter of a slave mother. So 
gradual was the decadence of slavery in Massachusetts that as 
late as 1833 her Supreme Court could not say by what specific 
Act the institution had been abolished. (Winchendon v. 
Hatfield, 4 Mass. 123 ; Commonwealth v. Ayes, 18 Pick, 209.) 

"In Belknap's < New Hampshire/ Vol. III., 280, published 
in 1792, the matter is thus explained : — 

" ' Slavery is not prohibited by any express law. Negroes 
were never very numerous in New Hampshire. Some of 
them purchased their freedom during the late war by serving 
three years in the army. Others have been made free by the 
justice and humanity of their masters. In Massachusetts they 
are all accounted free by the first article in the Declaration of 
Rights, " All men are born free and equal." In the Bill of 
Rights of New Hampshire the first article is expressed in these 
words : " All men are born equally free and independent ; K 
which, in the opinion of most persons, will bear the same 
construction. But others have deduced from it this inference, 
that all who are born since the Constitution was made are 
free : and that those who were in slavery before remain there 
still. For this reason, in the late census, the blacks in New 
Hampshire are distinguished into free and slaves. It is not in 
my power to apologise for this inconsistency.' 

" The author then goes on to explain, as we Southerners 
afterwards continued to do, how much better off those who 
were slaves were than those who were free in other States. 
By the census of 1790 there were 158 slaves in New 
Hampshire, and in 1840 there was still one remaining. 


u In the plantations of Rhole Island slaves were more 
numerous than in the other New England States, as, indeed 
they necessarily were, considering that the merchants and 
sailors of that little State were the greatest slave traders of 
this country. But as the negroes could not thrive in that 
latitude, her Legislature provided a gradual scheme of 
emancipation, which took a lifetime to work out, leaving as 
late as 1840 five slaves in that State. Connecticut was too 
much interested to indulge her philanthropy at the expense of 
an immediate emancipation. In 1790 she had 2,750 slaves. 
So she too adopted a plan of gradual emancipation, by the 
slow and prudent workings of which seventeen of her slaves 
remained as such in 1840. 

" As Mr. Bancroft observes : ( that New York is not a slave 
State like Carolina, is due to her climate and not to the 
superior humanity of her founders/ (Vol. II., 303). When 
South Carolina prohibited the importation of slaves from 
Africa in 1789, New York imported them and shipped the 
savages to this State as American slaves. As late as 1858 the 
London Times charged that New York had become the 
greatest slave-trading mart in the world, a charge which 
Wilson, in the '.Rise and Fall of the Slave Power/ fully 
corroborates. In 1790 New York had 21,324 slaves. She, 
too, adopted an Act of gradual emancipation, by the operation 
of which in 1840 all but four slaves had been gotten rid of. 
New Jersey, though adopting the same scheme, was slower in 
getting rid of her slaves, 674 still remaining in 1840. 

" Adam Smith observed : — ' The late resolution of the 
Quakers in Pennsylvania to set at liberty all their negro slaves 
may satisfy us that their number cannot be very great. Had 
they made any considerable part of their property such a 
resolution could never have been taken. ' ( * Wealth of Nations. ' ) 
There were 3,737 slaves in Pennsylvania in 1790, and, as Adam 
Smith predicted, she would not sacrifice so much property. So 



she, too, provided for gradual emancipation. The census of 
1840 showed sixty -five negroes still in slavery. In 1823 a 
negro woman was put up on the auction block along with some 
machinery, smith's tools, and one cow, and sold for debt by the 
sheriff of Fayette County, in the State of Brotherly Love. They 
were still discussing this case in the Supreme Court of Penn- 
sylvania as late as 1837, but it was the inadequacy of the price 
the poor wretch brought, and not the iniquity of the transaction, 
about which they were contending. (Lynch v. Commonwealth, 
6 Watts 495.) It was the frosts and snows which put an end 
to slavery at the North, not philanthropy. 

" It is familiar history that the slave trade by which slavery 
was established in this country was carried on by Old England 
and New England, and not by the South. As Mr. Lecky 
points out, the New England trade, just prior to the Revolu- 
tion, consisted in sending her lumber out and bringing 
slaves in. 

" Some time since in his notes, in this same paper, while 
reviewing a work on ' Brazil and Slavery/ the editor of the 
Nation wrote as follows : — 

" ' We can recommend it for its own sake, but we have read 
it with the deepest interest for its reflected light on that 
irrepressible conflict which ended, some would say, in April, 
1 865, and others in March, 1 876. First, and above all, it inspires 
a sense of profound thankfulness that there never existed in this 
country a party, or a policy, or a measure of gradual emancipa- 
tion. We mean, of course, against that purely Southern slave 
power which dictated the compromises of the Federal Con- 

" In this the editor of the Nation could not have meant 
that there never existed in this country a policy or a measure 
of gradual emancipation, for, as we have seen, just such a 
policy was adopted throughout the Northern States. It was 
by just such measures that the Northern people rid themselves 


of the institutions which they had so large a hand in imposing 
upon the South. But was this statement correct even if 
limited by his last sentence, ' We mean, of course, against the 
Southern slave power/ &c. 1 

" Mr. Lincoln declared, in his inaugural address, that the 
Republican party had no intention to interfere with the in- 
stitution of slavery; and Congress, by a joint resolution, 
approved July 22nd, 1861, repeated Mr. Lincoln's declaration, 
and announced to the South that the war was only for the 
preservation of the Union, and not for the abolition of 
slavery; and Congress actually passed in March, 1861, by a 
two-thirds vote, a proposed amendment to the Constitution 
that : — 

" * No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which 
will authorise or give Congress the power to abolish or 
interfere within any State with the domestic institutions 
thereof, including that of persons held to labour or service by 
the laws of the said State.' 

"Upon the recommendation, however, of Mr. Lincoln, 
made in a special message in April, 1862, Congress passed 
another joint resolution offering pecuniary aid from the 
General Government to induce the States to adopt 'general 
abolishment of slavery.' 

" Mr. Lincoln expressed the sentiment of the North, which 
enabled him to carry on the war successfully, when, on the 
22nd August, 1862, he said : 

"'My paramount object is to save the Uniou, and not 
to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union 
without freeing any slave I would do it. If I could save 
it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could 
do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also 
do that.' 

" The slaves in the States at war with the Federal Govern- 
ment were freed as a military and not as a political measure. 


The Federal Government did not free the slaves in Delaware, 
Maryland, and Kentucky. The results of the war rendered 
slavery impracticable, but that was all. 

"The truth is that the South could at any time during 
the war have secured the institution of slavery at the sacri- 
fice of the right of secession. That sacrifice she would not 
voluntarily make, and she lost both her sovereignty and her 
slaves. She was the unfortunate, innocent, last holder of a 
dishonoured bill, and the emitters of it turned upon her and 
called to the world to see how they would punish her for 

holding it. ^ ,»- ^ T „ 

"Edward McCrady, Jr.' 

To this it may be added that, under the old territorial 
laws of Illinois, persons were allowed to bring slaves into the 
Territory under the name of indentured servants. As such 
they might be held in bondage for a term of ninety-nine years 
or less. This was in direct violation of the spirit of the 
ordinance of 1787, which interdicted slavery or involuntary 
servitude in all the territory north of the Ohio River. The 
first Illinois State Constitution, adopted in 1818, prohibited the 
further introduction of slaves, but did not abolish this species 
of slavery by liberating the victims of the old Territorial 
enactments. Thus slavery existed in Illinois in defiance of 
the ordinance of 1787 until the adoption of the Constitution 
of 1848, which contained the following provision: — "There 
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in this State, 
except as a punishment for crime." After the adoption of 
the Constitution of 1818, the first Legislature re-enacted the 
law " respecting free negroes, mulattoes, servants, and slaves " 
of Territorial times. No severer law was to be found in any 
slave State. It forbade negroes or mulattoes to settle in the 
State without certificates of freedom. No person was to 
employ any negro or mulatto without such certificate, under a 

AP FEND IX. 231 

penalty of $1.50 for each clay. To harbour any slave or servant, 
or hinder the owner in retaking a slave, was made a felony, 
punishable by restitution or a fine of two-fold value, and 
by a whipping not to exceed thirty stripes. Every black or 
mulatto without a proper certificate was subject to arrest as a 
runaway slave, to be advertised for six weeks by the sheriff, 
when, if not reclaimed or his freedom established, he was sold 
for one year, after which he was entitled to a freedom certifi- 
cate. Any slave or servant found ten miles from home without 
permit was liable to arrest and thirty-five stripes, on the order 
of a justice. For misbehaving to his master or family he was 
punishable with the lash. Indeed, punishment with the lash 
to the number of thirty-nine and forty stripes was prescribed 
for each of a long list of offences, real or of legal construction. 
Even after the adoption of the Constitution of 1848, which 
required the General Assembly at its first session to pass such 
laws as should effectually prohibit free persons of colour from 
immigrating to, or settling in this State, and should prohibit 
the owners of slaves from bringing them there for the purpose 
of setting them free, the Legislature passed an Act, February 
12th, 1853, which imposed on every such coloured person a 
fine of $50. If the fine was not paid forthwith he was to be 
advertised and sold to any one who would pay the fine and 
costs for the shortest period of such person's service. A case 
under this law was carried up to the Supreme Court, and 
decided, so late as 1864, to be valid. Other provisions of these 
enactments, which were known as the Black Laws, were 
almost equally detestable. On February 7th, 1865, they were 
repealed. Had it not been for these Black Laws the census of 
Illinois would not be blotted with an enrolment of " 168 slaves " 
in 1810 ; 917 in 1820 ; 747 in 1830; and 331 in 1840— the 
last census that carries such a stain. Fortunately, the masters 
and people at large were better than their laws. 




The following table shows the white and coloured popula- 
tions of the whole of the United States at the various 
decennial perio Is from 1790 to the present time : — 



Tntil Whifp 

X cdl . 

XULttl tVlli-LC* 



1790 . 





1800 . 





1810 . 

• . . 




1820 . 





1830 . 





1840 . 





1850 . 

. . 




1860 . 




1870 . 





1880 . 




1890 . 





Abolition of slavery, 19 

Adams, J. A., 52 

Advantages of getting rid of the 

negro, 208, 209 
Africa for the negro, 195, 201, etc. 
African Colonisation Society, The, 

African Steamship Co., The, 210 
Aims, Necessity for providing the 

emigrant with, 197, 200, 204 
Anderson, J. W., 43 
Alabama, Reconstruction in, 32 
Amendment XIII., 19, 21, 67 

XIV., 25, 35, 67 

XV., 39, 64, 67, 86, 151, 153, 

American institutions unsuited for 

the negro, 196, 198 
Anglo-Saxon antipathy to^miscegen- 

ation, 169 
" Appeal to Caesar, An," 90 
"Appeal to Pharaoh, An," 131, 165, 

175, 178, 211 
Argentine, Suggested migration to 

the, 189, 190 
Arkansas, Cotton raised in, 194 

Democrat quoted, 192 

Arms, Length of the negro's, 69 
Arrest of Democratic Legislators, 61 
Arrest, Illegal, 51 
Assisted emigration for the negro, 

Atlanta Constitution quoted, 73, 192 
Augusta Chronicle quoted, 128 

Ballot, American system of, 81 

, Unsuitability of the negro for 

the, 86 

Bancroft, Mr., 227 

Barbers' shops, Race prejudice in, 

Barksdale, E., 23, 53 
Barnwell, J. W., 214 
Bassett, E. D., 163 
BelforcVs Magazine quoted, 167 
Belgians, H.M. the King of the, 203, 

Bigelow, J. and P., 214 
Birmingham Age-Herald quoted, 190 
Black Belt? What is the, 9 

blood, Prejudice against, 87 

Parliament, A, 41 

Blank resignations, 59 
Blyden, Dr. E. W., 189, 193 
Board of Registration, The, 57 
Boston Advertiser quoted, 97 

Herald quoted, 72, 112 

Transcript quoted, The, 164 

Brain, "Weight of the negro's, 69 

Bruce, B. K., 162 

Buckalew, Mr., 28 

Buenos Ayres Prensa quoted, 190 

Standard quoted, 190 

Bullock, Governor, 50 
Bureau, Freedmen's, 25, 27 
Butler, Senator, 196, 199 

Cable, G. W., 91, 93, 102, 214 
Call, Senator, 197, 199 
Cardozo, Mr., 49 
Carpet-baggers, 27, 33, 39, 52, 55, 

Caste, Colour, 218 
Census, Eleventh, 1 
— , First, 3, 4 
, Tenth, 1 et seq. 



Chamberlain, Governor D. H., 46 

Charleston Budget quoted, 95 

Neivs and Courier quoted, 80, 

96, 102, 104, 105, 106, 120, 192, 

194, 224 

Sun quoted, 226 

World quoted, 136 

Chicago Herald quoted, 101 
Childishness of the negro, 199, 200 
Church, A. M. E., 86 
Cincinnati, Race prejudice at, 98 
Civilisation of Africa by the negro, 

201, 202, 203, 204 
Civil Rights Bill, The, 65, 68 
Clay, Henry, 183 
Cleveland Gazette quoted, 195 
" Cobb on Slavery " quoted, 225 
Colour caste, 217 
Coloured majority, States having a, 5 

men, Prominent, 162 

National League and Voo- 

dooism, The, 113 
people, see also under Mulatto, 

Octoroon, etc. 
Colour line in the North, The, 181, 

Coloured race, Increase of the, 232 
Colour, The significance of racial, 167 
Columbia, ■ Abolition of negro 

suffrage in, 74 
Columbia, Negro suffrage in, 28 
Columbia, S.C., Extravagance at, 40 
Compensation of the negro, 207 
Cone on Race Colour, Mr., 167 
Confederate States held to be out of 

the Union, Ex-, 27, 29 
Congo, American negroes for the, 

203, 204, 211, 212 

, Advantages of the, 211 

Congress may limit the suffrage, 86 

, Thirty-ninth, 24, 27 

Connecticut, Slavery in, 227 
Constitution, see Amendments 
Constitutional Conventions, 30 
Conventions, Constitutional, 30 
Corbin, Judge, 33, 34 
Corruption in South Carolina, 44 
— , Official, 36 

of negro Republican party 

. 58 
Cost of negro emigration, 207 

Cotton raised by white and by negro 
labour, 194 

Cotton-fields, The negro not neces- 
sary in the, 191, 192 

"Counting out," 80 
Cranium, The negro, 70 
Criminality of the negro, 114 
"Cuffy, Old," 36 
Curtis, G. W., 71 

" Cyclopaedia of Political Science " 
quoted, 52 

Dangers of the situation, 16, 143 
Darnell, Prof. S. B., 172 
Death-rate of the white and the 

negro, 3 
Debt of the U.S. to the negro, 185, 

186, 189, 198, 205 

of the United States, 206 

Democrat, The Southern white is 
a, 22 

Democratic Legislators arrested, 61 

Depew, CM., 214 

Diseases of negroes, 108 

Disenfranchisement of ex- Confede- 
rates, 29, 54 

Douglas, Senator, 172 

Douglass, Mr. Fredk., 98, 163 

Drummond, Prof., 179 

Duty of the United States, 210, 213 

Edgington, Col. T. B., 153 

Edmunds, Senator, 75 

Education as a suggested panacea, 

157, 161, 164, 165 
Education, Negro, 75, 116 
Eight-box Law, The, 82, 83 
Election at Mount Pleasant, An, 84 
Elections, Fraudulent, 33, 50, 78-85 

of 1886, 27 

Elliott, R. B., 163 

Emancipation a failure, 125 

destructive of miscegenation, 


in the North, 225 

Emigration as a panacea, 181 

, Cost of negro, 207 

from the South, White, 10, 11 

, Futile plans of, 184 

, The negro's willingness for, 

187, etc. 

the only cure, 182, 188, 189 

Enfranchisement of the negro, 29 ■ 
Equality a hopeless dream, 155 
Equity of pre-Reconstruction legisla- 
tion in Virginia, 52 
Eustis, Senator, 83 
Expulsion by force impracticable, 198 



Extermination of the negro, 155 
Extravagance, Negro-Republican, 39 

of the Reconstruction Era, 59 

Eyes, Peculiarity of the negro's, 69 

Facial angle, The negro's, 69 
Farmer's Alliance, The, 84, 145 
Fleet, Governor Warmoth's, 58 
Florida, Reconstruction in, 50 
Foreign birth in the South, People 

of, 11, 12 
Forgery of an Act of the Florida 

Legislature, 50 
Forum quoted, The, 96, 193, 217 
Frankfurter Zeitung quoted, The, 

Fraud, Apologists for white, 15 

at elections, 33, 50, 78 — 85 

, The white rules by, 14, 15 

Freedman, The liberties of the, 91 
Freedmen's Bureau, 25, 39 
Froude on negro inferiority, 88 

on race pride, 172 

on the Haytian negro, 158 

on the negro in San Domingo, 

159, 160 
Fulkerson, H. S., 115 
Fulton, Dr., 142 

Gaillard destroys registration books, 

Galveston News quoted, 192 

Garfield on Reconstruction, 30 

Georgia, Cost of General Assembly 
in, 49 

, Murder in, 96, 99 

, Negro ownership in, 120, 121, 

122, etc. 

, Race prejudice in, 94 

, Reconstruction in, 49 

Gibbs, Senator, 139 

Gibson, Senator, 197, 199 

Gilder, R. W., 214 

Gilham on negro inferiority, 88, 89 

on the growth of negro popula- 
tion, 12, 13, 14 

Gouldsboro, Riot at, 94 

Governors, Power of the Military, 30 

Grady, H. W., 165 

Grant, President, 26 

Greenville News quoted, 105, 192, 208 

Growth of negro population, Esti- 
mated, 12, 13 

Hami ton, Rev. J. W., 172 

Hampton, Governor Wade, 46, 49, 

197, 198 

Harper's Weekly quoted, 71 

Harris, G. E., 56 

Hart, Governor, O.B., 51 

Haskell, General, 84, 145 

Hayti, Condition of, 158, 203 

Healthiness of the South, General, 

Hemphill, J. J., 23 
Herbert, H. A., 22, 23 
Hoar quoted, Mr., 36 
Hoffman House, Race prejudice at 

the, 98 
Holmes, Dr. O. W., 226 
Hotels, Race prejudice at, 97, 98, 105 
Hubbard, J. B., 43 
Hybridism and sterility, 179 

Ice-cream shops, Race prejudice in, 

Idle class of whites peculiar to 

U.S.A., 148 
Ignorance of the negroes, 33, 36, 73 

of the Southern white, 149 

Illegal arrests, 61 
Illinois, Slavery in, 230 
Illiteracy, Negro, 21 

, Statistics of, 117 

Increase among the negroes, Rate of, 

2, 233 
Indebtedness of America to the negro, 

198, 205 

Inequality of the races, 20, 199 
Infant mortality among the blacks, 

8, 108 
Ingalls, Senator, 80, 85 
Instep, The negro's, 70 
Intimidation at Jackson, 95 

, Republican, 37 

Intolerance excused, White, 73 

Jefferson, President Thomas, 145, 

182, 183, 184 
Johnson, President, 25, 28, 29 
Johnston, Professor Alexander, 52 
Jones, A. O., 48 
Judges, Dependency of the, 59 

, Ignorance of, 52 

Judge's charge, A queer, 34 

Kellogg, W. P., 60, 61, 62 
King, Senator Rufus, 184, 185 
Kirk, Colonel, 37 



Knott, Dr. J. C, 179 
Ku-Klux Klan, The, 77 

Lagos, American negroes in, 210 

Langston, J. IT., 163 

"Lark heel," The negro's, 70 

Laws, Danger of enforcing the, 66 

, Importance of the, 128 

Lecky on the New England Slave 
Trade, 228 

Lee, Governor, 208 

;, Rev. T. S., 187 

Legislature of South Carolina, The, 
39, etc. 

Liberia, Condition of, 160 

, Establishment of, 183 

Limitation of Suffrage, Suggested, 

Lincoln, President, 229 

on miscegenation, 172 

on negro inferiority, 88 

on slavery, 20 

on the suffrage, 30 

Lopez not more powerful than War- 
moth, 60 

Lottery, The Louisiana, 62 

Louisiana Lottery, The, 62 

, Reconstruction in, 56 

, Riot in, 94 

Louisville Courier 


Journal quoted, 

Luxury of negro legislators, 39, 54 
Lynching, 96, 116, 132, 133, 134, 135, 

McCrady, Letter from Mr. Edward, 

Machinery inimical to the negro, 

Macon Telegraph quoted, 99 
M'Kinley, C, 214 
Maltreatment of the blacks, 94 
Manumission a political measure, 19 

, Lincoln's views on, 20 

, Seward's views on, 19 

Marriage, Negro avoidance of, 110 
Martial Law in the South, 29 
Massachusetts, Slavery in, 225, 226 
Mean whites, 148 
Memphis Avalanche quoted, 191 
Mexico, Suggested emigration to, 

Middle passage, Horrors of the, 186 
Military Governors, 23, 24 

Military Governors, Power of the, 30 

Rule in the South, 21 

Militia, A coloured, 37, 42,43, 46, 58 
Minority, Rule of the, 8 
Miscegenation, 217, etc. 

as a suggested panacea, 157, 

165, 178 

, Causes of, 175 

, Illegal, 106 

is now rare, 174, 175 

, Lincoln on, 172 

unnatural, 166 

, one-sided, 177 

Mississippi, Cotton raised in, 194 
, Intimidation in, 95 

Reconstruction in, 52 


Missouri, Race prejudice in, 
Mitchell, J. A. D., 195, 196 
Moloney, Sir Alfred, 210 
Montgomery Herald quoted. The, 141 
Morals of Southern whites, 143, 176 

of the negroes, 110 

Morgan, Senator, 197, 199 
Morrill, Senator, 75 
Mortality, see also Death-rate 

among the negroes, 109, 147 

, Infant, 8 

Moses, Franklin J., 44, 45, 46, 47, 49 
Mount Pleasant, An Election at, 

83, 84 
Mulatto, The, 174, 178 et seq. 
a bad citizen, The, 163, 177, 

179, 180 

children, Rarity of, 174 

communities, 176 

decreasing in numbers, 163 

, Intelligence of, 162 

, Short life of the, 179 

, The future of the, 213 

unhealthiness, 178 

Murder as a political factor, 77 

in Alabama, 104, 136 

in Georgia, 105, 133, 136 

in Indiana, 137 

in Kentucky, 137 

in Louisiana, 105 

in North Carolina, 135 

in South Carolina, 97, 136 

1 in Tennessee, 136 

near Robins, 95 

Nashville American quoted, 192 
Nation quoted, The New York, 221, 




Navy,Race pre j udice in the American, 

Negro, see also Coloured Mulatto, 

, Advantages of getting rid of 

the, 208, 209 

, Aims of the, 68 

as a child, The, 199 

as a worker, The, 139 

at the polls, The, 77 

avoidance of marriage, 110 

can be dispensed with, 193 

cannot govern, The, 161 

childishness, 76, 199 

colonisation, Causes of failure 

of, 183 

« Society of Augusta, 189 

criminality, 114 

, Death rate of the, 3 

, Debt of the United States to 

the, 185, 186, 189 

-, Diseases of the, 108 

education, 75, 116 

emigration, Cost of, 207 

, Employments of the, 9, 10 

, Enforced inferiority of the, 71 

enfranchisement, 29 

, Expectations of the extinction 

of the, 152 

, Extermination of the, 155 

Government intolerable, 64 

, His unambitious nature, 11 

, How far the White depends 

upon the, 146 

Ignorance, 33 

, Illiteracy of the, 21 

, Increase of the, 2 

inferiority, Lincoln on, 88 

, Froude on, 88 

, Gilliam on, 88, 89 

, Tourgee on, 89, 90 

in sickness, Provision for the, 


legislators, Vices of, 36 

-, Material position of the, 119, 


mortality, 109 

must be assisted to emigrate, 

The, 200 
must be governed, The, 200, 


newspapers, 98, 120, 138, 141 

, Physical peculiarities of the, 


Negro, Repression of the, 8 

rule, 31, etc. 

schools, 119 

, Social position of the, 65, 87 

— soldiers during the war, 186 
suffrage advocated by Sumner, 


suffrage in Columbia, 28 
Abolition of, 


-, Lincoln on, 21 
■, Opposition to, 24 

tendency to relapse to barbarism, 


," "The, 115 

, The South can spare the, 190 

, The White's attitude towards 

the, 75, 140 

threats to the Whites, 138, 142 

, Unhealthy habits of the, 108 

: Why he may not rule, 16 

Venality, 33 

Negrophobia in the North, 73, 74 
Negro's readiness to migrate, 187, 

Negroes are but small farmers, 192 

, Infant mortality among, 107 

, Morals of the, 110 

, Prominent, 162 

unable to govern, 54 

voting before they have the 

suffrage, 35 
Nelson, Mr. Justice, 29 
New England slave trade. The, 228 

Hampshire, Slavery in, 226 

Jersey, Slavery in, 227 

Orleans, Coloured ownership in, 


, Picayune quoted, 97, 192 

Republican subsidised, 59 

, Riot at, 61 

Times- Democrat quoted, 

121, 191 
York Evening Post quoted, 99, 


Herald quoted, 99 

, Race prejudice in, 97, 102 

Slavery in, 228 

Star quoted, 96 

Tribune quoted, 108, 156 

World quoted, 98 

Nicholls, Governor, 62 

North American Review quoted, 

North and South compared, 73 




North Carolina, Reconstruction in, 

North, Slavery in the, 221, etc. 
Northern Ascendency, 24 

Octoroon, White prejudice against 

the, 175 
Oppression of the Southern Whites, 

Orangebury Plain Speaker quoted, 

Othello in the South, 217 
Outrage in Alabama, 134 

in Georgia, 133, 134 

■ in Kentucky, 132 

in Maryland, 134 

in South Carolina, 133 

in Tennessee, 134 

Outrages by negroes on women, 116, 

132, 133, 134, 142 

Packard, Governor, 62 

Pardons given before trial, 50 

Pasco, S., 23 

Penalties for teaching a slave, 116 

Pennsylvania, Slavery in, 227 

Pension-roll of the United States, 

Philadelphia Evening Telegram 

quoted, 95 
Pike, J. S., 41,44 
Pinchback, Governor, 60, 163 
Pittsburg Dispatch quoted, 95 

•, Race prejudice at, 222 

Politics, Effect of the situation upon, 

Politics in the South, 21, 24 
Polls, The negro at the, 77 
Population of the South, 216 
Post, U. S. A., Major, 214 
Presbyterian Quarterly quoted, 165 
Printing in South Carolina, Cost of 

public, 48, 49 

, Republican monopoly of, 58 

Property, The negro as a holder of, 

119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 
Proportions of white and coloured, 5 
Prostrate State, The, 38, 41 
Puberty, Change in the negro at, 

Public Funds, Waste of, 44 
Offices, Race prejudice in, 102 

Qualifications for the suffrage, 6 

Race antagonism increases, 90 

hatred, 26 

prejudice, 72 

at Cincinnati, 98 

at hotels, 97, 98, 105 

at ice-cream shops, 100 

— at Pittsburg, 222 

at railway stations, 102 

at Saratoga, 97 

in barber' shops, 102 

in Missouri, 105 

. i n New York, 97, 102 

■ in public offices, 102 

— in restaurants, 98 

• in schools, 100, 101 

in the American Navy, 98 

. i n the Church, 96, 103, 156 

_ n railways, 99, 101, 102, 


on the gallows, 96 

Race pride, Froudeon, 172 
Problem ; Its supposed settle- 
ment by the Civil War, 15 

question, Importance of the, 68 

Races, Irregularity of the, 20 
Race war, 129, 209 
Racial colour, 167 

inequality, 106 

separation beneficial, 198 

Railways, Race prejudice on, 99, 101, 
102, 103 

stations, Race prejudice at, 102 

Raleigh State Chronicle quoted, 165 
Ratification of Amendment XV., 151 
Rawling, S. J. E., 214 
Reconstruction, 22, etc. 

Acts, 29 

a political measure, 52, 53 

, Garfield on, 30 

in Alabama, 32 

in Florida, 50 

in Georgia, 49 

in Louisiana, 56 

in Mississippi, 52 

in North Carolina, 35 

in South Carolina, 38 

in Virginia, 51 

, Joint Committee on, 26 

, Lincoln on, 30, 31 

Reed, Governor Harrison, 50 
Registration books destroyed, 84 

Certificates, Loss of, 80 

, The Board of, 57, 61, 62 

Religious race prejudice, 156 



Repeal of Amendment XV., Sug- 
gested, 153 
Representation of States in Congress, 

Repression of the Negro, 8 
Republican majority in the Thirty- 
Ninth Congress, 28 
Republican, New Orleans, 59 
Republican, The negro is a, 21 
Restaurants, Race prejudice at, 98 
Returning Board, see Registration, 

The Board of. 
Rhode Island, Slavery in, 227 
Richardson, Governor J". P., 82 
Richmond Dispatch quoted, 192 
Riot at Gouldsboro', 94 

at New Orleans, 61 

Roosevelt, T., 214 

Sage, B. J., 23, 58, 60 

St. Louis Republic quoted, 98 

San Domingo, Condition of, 159, 

Saratoga, Race prejudice at, 97 
Savannah Times quoted, 103 
Schoffner Act, The, 37 
Schools for negroes, 119 

, Race prejudice in, 100, 101 

Scomp, Professor, 193 

Scott, General R. K, 39, 42, 43, 44 

Selma Independent quoted, 138 

■ Times quoted, 100 

Separation of the races beneficial, 198 
Seward on Mamumission, 20 
Shakespeare and race questions, 217, 

Shaw University, 204 
Sherman, Senator, 75 
Shepard, Colonel, 203 
Shepley, Governor, 30 
Sickness, Provision for the negro in, 

75, 109 
Silent South," " The, 91 
Silloway, T., 226 

Skin, Peculiarities of the negro's, 70 
Skipjack, Log of H.M.S., 186 
Slave, Illiteracy of the, 21 

, Penalities for teaching a, 116 

Slavery, Abolition of, 19 

in Connecticut, 227 

— Illinois, 230 

■ Massachusetts, 225, 226 

New Hampshire, 226 

™ — - — — Jersey, 227 

Slavery, Abolition of, New York, 227 

■ Pennsylvania, 227 

■ Rhode Island, 227 

Vermont, 225 

, Lincoln on, 20 

not the origin of the war, 19 

said to be the only logical posi- 
tion for the negro, 164 
Slaves in 1790, 225 
Smith, Adam, 227 

, Dr. S. M., 165 

, E. B., 214 

Snider, Prof essor J. D., 218 

Snyder, Rev. J., 217 

Social position of the negro, 87 

equality said to be disclaimed 

by both races, 99 
Solid South, The, 23 
South Carolina, Cotton raised in, 194 

, Inquiry into Scandals in, 


: , Murder in, 95, 97 

Reconstruction in, 38 

Carolinian Statute of Ignor- 
ance, 116 

, Deterioration of the, 139, 191 

, General healthiness of the, 147 

, Military Rule in the, 21 

— , Politics of the, 21, 24 
— , Population of the, 216 

The negro not indispensable to 

the, 190, etc. 

? Why the solid, 23 

Southern Question, What is the, 71 
Spain, Suggested negotiations with, 

Speer, W. S., 20 
Stanley, H. M., 199, 211, 213 
Stanton, Secretary, 28 
State House, Siege of the Louisiana, 

States having a coloured majority, 5 
Sterility and hybridism, 179 
Stevens, T., 24 
Stiles, R., 23, 52 
Stokes, Colonel, 192 
Suffrage, Negro, 21 

in Columbia, Negro, 28 

, Lincoln on the, 30 

— — , Negroes voted before they had 

the, 35 

-, Northern opposition to the, 24 

-, Possible limitation of the, 86 

— , Qualifications for the, 6 



Suffrage, Suggested limitation of, 154 
, The negro not enamoured of 

the, 203 
Sumner advocates negro suffrage, 28 
Superstition, Negro, 112 
Supremacy, White, 77 
Supreme court, Decision of the, 65, 

66, 68 
Surrender, as a suggested panacea, 


TaDner, Rev. Dr. B. T., 171, 173, 

Taxation, Excessive, 55 
Taylor, C. H. J., 183 
Tennessee, Race prejudice in, 96 
Texas, Cotton raised in, 194 

, Negro ownership in, 119 

Thomas, Judge, 33 
Thompson, J. E. W., 163 
Tillman, Governor, 84, 145 
Times quoted, 199, 227 
Tissue-ballots, 78 
Tourgee, Judge, 118, 152, 161, 173 
Trade jealousy in the North, 182 
Troops, United States, 61, 62 
Tucker, Eev. Dr. 110 
Tupper, Dr. H. M., 204 
Turner, Bishop H. M., 188 
, H. G., 23 

Union divided, The, 209, 214 

, Ex -confederate States held to 

be out of the, 27 

Vance, Z. B., 23, 36 
Vermont, Slavery in, 225 
Vetoes, President Johnson's, 28, 29 
Vices of negro legislators, 36 

Virginia, Reconstruction in, 51 
Voodooism, 112, 114 
" Vote early and often," 80 
Voters, Qualifications of, 6 
Voters, tampering with, 77 et seq. 
Voting populations, 7 

South after the, 22, 26 
58, 59, 60, 61, 


War, The 

Warmoth, H. C, 

62, 63 

Warrants of Arrest, Blank, 61 
Waste of Public Funds, 44 
Wealth of the United States, 206 
Whipping of negroes, 104 
White intolerance excused, 73 
White supremacy, 77, 85 
White, The negro's treatment by the, 

White, Ignorance of the Southern, 

White people are enough for the 

South, 191, 192 
White women to the negro, Attitude 

of the Southern, 141, 142, 177 
Whites assumed without evidence to 

be guilty, 39 
Whites, Depravity of the, 54 
Whites, Increase of the Southern, 2 
Whites, Idle class of peculiar to 

U.S., 148 
Whites, Oppression of the Southern, 

Williams, Col. G. W., 203 
Williams, Rev. Isaac, 112 
Wilson's " Rise and Fall of Slave 

Power," 227 
Women ; Their position in the Black 
Belt, 131 etseg., 141, 177 

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